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Vol. 3. No L 

±^L^±2L!tlJl^^ f the Workers "«* Outers 

NEW YORK, N. Y„ JANUARY 1, 1934. 

NRA Bubble Bursts! 

The NRA bubble of illusion has 
burst '■ 

In spite of •*« fa <"' that NRA 
cades 3re I10w ' n °P er:i tion in al- 
. ; industries, um mploymi it( 
the period between October 
November 1 5 uid toa^e to- 
."'.\ ■ ,-.''. Especially cntnstrophical 
was the decline in the manufactur- 
ing industries, according to the re- 
port of Secretary of Labor Per- 
kins. "Employment in manufactur- 
ing industries," declares the New 
Jort Times (December 20, 1933), 
. .' M 1 )ii or : ■ . n drop 
equaled only in 1929 in the last ten 
years, and payrolls declined $7,- 
200.000. or $.27<, between October 
15 and November 15, a drop great- 
er than in any similar pei'icd in the 
last dee. ; 

It should be noted that payrolls 
fell even faster than employment, 
which means, of course, that the 
average wage of industrial work- 
ers has also declined. The reports 
in the American Federationist for 
December 1933 tell the same story. 

Xor is this all! Not only is the 
NBA turning out a failure as a re- 
covery measure but Section 7a, 
which only a little while ago was 
hailed by President Green of the 
A. F. of L. as the "great charter" 
of labor, is turning out te. be a 
horse of an altogether different 
Her. The Weirton case, the Budd 
Company case, tbe recent attempts 
of the Dress Industry Code Au- 
thority to whittle down the gains 
of the workers as embodied in their 
collective agreement, all indicate 
which way the wind is blowing. 
The whole NRA machinery, the 
national and local labor boards, 
are now playing the game of the 
open shoppers, sometimes actively, 
sometimes passively. Let the New- 
York Evening Post (editorial, De- 
cember 1G, 1933) be the witness: 
"It is true that the labor 

boards have accomplished little 

in settling labor disputes. It is 

true they have bungled most of 
their arbitration attempts. It is 
true the boards have either ren- 
dered no meaningful decisions. 
or ha,; rendi red decisions seml- 
mg workers buck- to their bench- 
es totth thexr demands unsatis- 

"It is true that the establish- 
ment of closed s/lflp agreements 
has been completely blocked hi, 
the labor boards." 
It is true ... the labor movement 
has been duped by all the fancy 
promises of the NRA and the con- 
servative labor leaders must bear 
no small share of thi 


What now? What can labor do 
in the face of these developments? 

1. The first necessity for labor 
is to rid itself of its illusions about 
the NRA, to face facts in a spirit 
of sober realism. We must recog- 
nize that the attitude of the NRA 
to labor is becoming increasingly 
hostile every day. Johnson's two 
addresses, the one before the Illi- 
nois Federation of Labor on La- 
bor Day and the other at the A. F. 
of L. convention in October, really 
marked the turning point in NRA 
labor policy. Section 7a and all 
(Continued on Page. 2) 

Quotas have been met or passed 
by seven branches of the C. P.- 
O., Toronto, Philadelphia, Detroit, 
Hartford, Chicago, Harlem, N. Y. 
and Youth N. Y. 

The Downtown N. Y. No. 1 has 
taken first place away from the 
Harlem Unit with 12 new members 
recruited as against 11 members 
for Harlem. 

A total of 78 new members have 
joined the Communist Party (Op- 
position) since November 1st. To 
fulfill the objectives set for the 
drive 22 more new members must 
be recruited by February 1st. This 
can be done if the comrades get 
on the job. We are waiting to hear 
from the shoe comrades in Boston, 
from the dresmakers comrades in 
New York, from the textile com- 
rades in Paterson and N. Y. Our 
comrades involved in other phases 
of trade union and mass activity 
have promised to intensify the 
work of recruiting. 

Only one month remains. Make 
it an active fruitful month for 
the C. P.-O. 

Shoe Workers Merge 

Boston, M: 
After eleven days of turbulent 
sessions the amalgamation conven- 
tion finally ended here with com- 
plete agreement of the delegations 
from the various unions. Thus was 
born at this convention the Unit- 
ed Shoe and Leather Workers 
Union embracing- the membership 
of the following shoe workers 
unions: The Shoe Workers Pro- 
tective Union, The National Shoe 
Workers Association, Shoe and 
Leather Workers Industrial Union 
of New York, Independent Shoe 
Workers Union of Salem and the 
Brotherhood of Shoe Workers of 
Greater New York. This new 
union tho only a few days old 
starts with a membership of almost 

By far the most bitterly con- 
tested issue at the Convention was 
that of the Trade Union Unity 
League. The question of affilia- 
tion of the new union to some na- 
tional labor center was crystallized 
in the convention, in the form of a 
resolution sponsored by the lead- 
ers of the amalgamation move- 
ment. The resolution calls for the 
union's remaining independent of 
any and all trade union national 
centers. It further provides that 

Mooney Deplores Collapse of National 
Council of Action; Calls for Help! 

Two Letters 


The workers in the Robins Dry 
^ock, Tietjen and Lang Dry Dock 
Co, and Todd Dry Dock Engineer- 
i'.epair Corp. were recently 
introduced to the most "accept- 
*"■ form of employee represen- 
tation — the company union. After 
•'Pu of militancy on the part of 
• ipyard owners 
i m the foot steps of the 
7* lr t«r- Steal Works and forced 
the work- 
ia:, tolerate any real 
"nurization among them. 

in the yards 
onal Labor 
J*ro and a n agreerr.' 

a, d the Met 
iiTrade, Council of >> ... A F. I 

- ■ . 

J"* *'• ■ Plan for Col- 

f™*' rbro Employee 

•"Weaeiitation." ^j, pl .. . 

:,nd the 

Wiited by tax The 

' '•*■ -.minate 

■ ' '■ "' t . .•, ... company tell 

•: ■ 

the A. r. 


■ ■■ ■ 
^ r '■ -udc unioniim. 

On several occasions we com- 
mented, in these columns, on the 
complete collapse of the Free Tom 
Mooney movement. It is not in 
any "I told you so" spirit that we 
repeat the warning which we 
sountted at the Chicago Congress. 
We insisted that two factors mili- 
tated against the growth or rather 
the very life of the 'movement to 
free Tom. Mooney. The first was 
[the mechanical conversion of tlie 
Congress from a "Free Tom Moo- 
ney Congress" (the purpose for 
which it was called) into a body 
for the defense of all other polt- 
ical prisoners (Scottsboro, etc.). 
I,, lead of broadening the. con- 
gress, this diffused it to the van- 
ishing point. Second, the strangle- 
hold which the official Communist 
Party secured over the congress 
and which squeezed every bit of 
non-Communist representation out 
of it. Witness the destruction of 
the excellent movement in Detroit. 
It is until a feeling of grief and 
., /,„,„ that steps mill be taken 
thruout the labor movement to re- 
in a most energetic manner 
. „., „' to free Tom Mooney, 
., t print below two letters 
,.. „ Tom tlooni /. Editor. 

California State Prison 
San Quentin, Calif., 
November 18, 
( : iradea and Fellow 

During the month of January 01 
ed a call for a 
; ,.,-:■ .,' all working del 

''"";"' ! 
. ..,. Aprfl2»to Ma» 1, 



■ ■ 

§2,000 to organize that Congress. 
It was not my intention that an- 
other organization, national in 
scope, should be created to deal 
with the Mooney case. Such a 
procedure would naturally cause 
confusion in the minds of the 
working class, receiving appeals 
from two separate organizations, 
from two different parts of the 
country, for the same purpose. 

Out of the Free Tom Mooney 
Congress came the National Tom 
Mooney Council of -Action, with 
headquarters in New York City. 
This information I learned several 
weeks after the Congress ad- 
journed. During the Congress, I 
received one telegram. I never did 
receive a report from the Con- 
gress, or any one connected with it, 
as to just what took place. I did 
not receive a copy of the Congress 
resolution, until three weeks after 
its adjournment. No one attend- 
ing that Congress has taken the 


The Montevideo Congress 

by Ella Ward 


One Union In The Shoe 


by George F. Milts 


Is Child Labor Doomed? 

by Saul Held 


C. P.-O. Conference RepoifJ 

trouble to make a report to me of 
what actually happened there. 

A month after the Congress ad- 
journed, I was told that a debt of 
$2000 connected with the Congress, 
was still unpaid. From another 
source, I learned that each of the 
delegates to that Congress were 
pledged to return to their home 
organizations, and collect their 
quota to pay off that debt. 

During the latter part of May, 
the National Tom Mooney Coun- 
cil of Action organized a National 
Tom Mooney Tag Day, using the 
organizational machinery of the 
International Labor Defense to 
carry this work to a conclusion. 
The first object of this Tag Day, 
was to liquidate the Congress debt, 
which I was first informed to be 
$2,000 and which I have since 
been informed by Roger Baldwin, 
the treasurer of the National Tom 
Mooney Council of Action, to be 
only $1,500. 

Since the Free Tom Mooney 
Congress adjourned, and the for- 
mation of the National Tom Moon- 
ey Council of Action, the activities 
of the Tom Mooney Moulders' De- 
fense Committee has been suspend- 
ed for the lack of funds to carry 
on the fight. Whether this was 
deliberately planned or not, I am 
not now prepared to state, but I 
would like to get the actual feel- 
ings of all those delegates that at- 
tended that Congress — a sort of 
personal report from each of them 
as to just what took place then? — 
what was the spirit of the dele- 
gate! toward me, personally, and 
also towards fchs Tom Mooney 
Moulder's Defense committee. Al- 
^'i telling me what films have , "'" 
i-i . i by you or your organiza 

tlon, as pledged a l your QUOtfi '•• 

{<'.,,,< in i, ■> ■',* Pag* 2) 

questions of affiliation that may 
come up in the future must be pre- 
viously discussed in the various lo- 
cal unions of the organization and 
decision shall be arrived at only 
thru a referendum vote of the 
whole membership. This resolution 
7- a l c * rned af ter an intensive 
lent, by the delegates from the 
Industrial Union of New York to 
commit the new union to affilia- 
tion to the T.U.U.L.had failed to 
receive any response outside their 
own delegation. Indeed a section 
of its own delegation was opposed 
to this proposal. 

The real battle began when af- 
ter the adoption of the above reso- 
lution a proposal was submitted 
that the Industrial Union of New 
York declare on the floor their 
withdrawal from the T.U.U.L. 
This the spokesmen for the Indus- 
trial refused to do. Instead Bie- 
denkapp stated that they can un- 
der no circumstances withdraw un- 
less authorized to do so by the 
referendum vote of their member- 
shop. A very sharp discussion de- 
veloped, the climax being reached 
in an impassioned speech by the 
delegate Costello of the Industrial 
Union. In no mincing words he 
stated that if the leaders of the 
Industrial Union of New York 
hold that affiliation tc the T.U.U.L. 
is worth more to them than the 
unity of the shoe workers than he 
will not follow them. That he de- 
finitely dissociates himself from 
the T.U.U.L. even tho that may 
mean that he will be robbed of the 
possibility of making a living when 
he returns to New York. A num- 
ber of other delegates from the 
Industrial arose to endorse the 
position of Costello. In the fact 
of the crack-up of their own dele- 
gation, the leadership of the Indus- 
trial beat a hasty tho disorderly 
retreat. Delegate Ziebel mounted 
the platform and stated that the 
(Continued on Page 2) 


„»r « m*± TiolaHatDC Fourth Nat'I Conference 

WelCOItlC Ueiegcll.lS» Communist Party [Opposition]! > 

New York, N. Y. 

A strike of 50,000 waiters in 
New York is inevitable unless 
President Roosevelt refuses to sign 
the code proposed by the restaur- 
ant owners. There are numerous 
objectionable features in this code 
but the most important, which 
have enraged union labor in New 
York, are, the provision calling for 
the 54 hour week and the $15 min- 
imum wage from which is to be de- 
ducted the total amount of tips re- 
ceived by the waiters. 

The International Hotel Work- 
ers and Waiters Union, affiliated 
with the A. F. of h. has taken the 
initiative in this fight against the 
proposed code and threatens to call 
for strike on New Year. 

The Amalgamated Food Work- 
ers Union remained completely 
passive and missed an excellent op- 
portunity to establish a joint front 
on its ' initiative in the fight 
against the proposed code. The 
Trotskyist leadership of this union 
(Hotel Workers lironrh) appeal 
l„ be completely paralyzed in the 
face of the necessity for struggle. 
A proposal in the executive to en- 
ter into negotiations with the A. 
F of I., unions for joint action 

1VU adOpUd over tbe pretests and 
,,,,,,,,,11101, of tlie Tritskyites. 

Negotiations betw< these 

unions are now proceeding und 
unless the Trotskyist leadership 
tueceeds "> its sectarian course, a 
[oinl strike la bound to material- 
and te up the whole industry 


Shoe Unions Merge 

(Continued from Pagt 1) [information from Bcsion is that 

Shoe and Leather Workers Indus- the eurocrats arc refusing to va Union hereby seve.s relations eate their off.ces. In 

,vi.h the T.U.U.L., aliho they re- 
tain for themselves the right to 
agitate for the whole union affilia- 
ting with the T. U. U. L. With 
this declaration the resolution dis- 
sociating- the Industrial Union 
from the T.U.U.L. was carried 
w.thout a dissenting vote. 
* • • 

Beside the above resolutions a 
large number of resolutions were 
adopted by the convention. The 
most important of these being : 
For Federal Unemployment Insur- 
ance; For a $25,000,0000 (Twenty- 
five million dollars) appropriation 
from the Federal Government for 
the manufacture of shoes for the 
unemployed. This resolution also 
calls for the participation of trade 
unions and unemployed organiza- 
tions in the allocations of this fund 
for production of shoes and in the 
distribution of shoes to the unem- 
ployed, Against the effort of the 
NRA to control and dictate to the 
trade unions, and against partici- 
pating in any Code Authority 
Boards ; For the release of Tom 
Mooney ; For the release of the 
Scottsboro boys; Against Fascism 
and lynching. A resclution, which 
involved considerable discussion, 
was also adopted calling for the 
reopening of the hearings on the 
shoe code and laying down detailed 
demands for which the union dele- 
gation should fight. 

this situation 
the delegates of the Industrial 
Union have considerable responsi 
bihty to bear. 

+ » * 

There were three distinct ten 
dencies at the convention. In the 
order of their strength they are: 
The Progressives, those who had 
organized the amalgamation move- 
ment, led by Gautreau, Mike and 
Paul Salvaggio, Hallett, Grattan, 
Zimmerman and others; The In- 
dustrial Union elements, and last 
the burocrats. 

It is significant that on almost 
all controversial questions the high- 
ly revolutionary, "red" unionists 
found it not inconvenient to organ- 
ize and maintain a block with the 
very burocrats who are today 
working overtime to wreck the 
newly formed union. 

This became especially clear 
when the elections approached. 
The convention had decided to set 
up a Coordinating Committee of 
15 whose job was to actually carry 
thru the amalgamation, to super- 
vise the elections of officers by ref- 
erendum and to administer the 
union in the interim. 

Thruout the whole convention 
the majority of the delegates from 
the Industrial Union waged a bit- 
ter personal battle aga"nst the 
"Lovestoneite" Zimmerman. Their 
strategy was quite clear. Zimmer- 
[man was one of the recognized 
A discussion which lasted over [leaders of the convention. If they 

three days developed around the 
report of the Constitution Com- 
mittee. There was no question but 
that the proposed draft, for sub- 
mission to a referendum, adequate- 
ly provided for the democratic con- 
trol of the union by the member- 
ship. The provisions for recall of 
officers, referendums on demand 
of only 5 local unions, district and 
local autonomy, all these and many 
other proposals adequately provid- 
ed for the vcice of the entire 
union membership in the affairs of 
their union. The discussion was 
around quite usher matters. The 
question was, shall there be estab- 
lished a national leadership with 
sufficient authority to carry out 
the tasks which such a union must, 
if it is to realize the hopes of the 
shoe workers. 

Here, strange as it may seem, 
the interests of the Industrial 
Union elements and the Burocrats 
were as one. Both fought with 
every ounce of energy at their 
command for a loose, decentralized 
union, attempting thus to establish 
a caricature of a national leader- 
ship. The Industrial Union admit- 
ted that they were for just such a 
union because it will give them "a 
free hand" in New York. The 
burocrats, whose influence over 
the masses was at the vanishing 
point, whose very jobs were elimi- 
nated (they were ordered by the 
convention to vacate their offices 
by January 15) sought to create 
such a loose and muddled situation 
as will make possible their success- 
ful fishing in troubled waters 
Ths was achieved by these ele- 
ments to a certain degree, with the 
help of confused delegates who did 
not see the implications of these 
maneuvers for the very life of 
their union. 

Encouraged by these victories 
the burocracy is now making a last 
and desperate stand, 

could but destroy his standing as 
one of the leaders of the progres- 
sives, they might then succeed in 
demoralizing the progressive for- 
ces and would rule the convention 
as they pleased. All their slander- 
ous attacks failed. In unison with 
those supporting the burocrats 
they threw their votes to candi- 
dates other than Zimmerman but 
even that failed. On the vote for 
members from Boston, Zimmerman 
received the highest vote. 

^The Coordinating Committee of 
15 consists ef 3 members from the 
former Ina&istrial Union of New 
York and Y/. progressives. The 
following are those elected : Bos- 
ton — Paul Salvaggio, I. Zimmer- 
man. Haverhill — Joseph Grattan, 
Ernest Masmanian. Last Makers— 
H. W. Buckley. Lowell— Leo Cas- 
sidy. Lynn — Rose Gautreau. Marl- 
borough — Alfred Bertrand. New- 
berryport — Frank Noel. New York 
—Jimmy Bonagira, Frank Mc- 
Grath, Sam Ziebel. Salem — John 
Creeden. St. Louis — Joseph P. 
Madden. Wood Heel Makers- 
George Wilkins. 


(Continued from Page 1) 
of the early promises to the work- 
ers are being emasculated and re 
pudiated in actual practise and 
even the old honeyed phrases no 
longer racur. The NRA is now 
quite openly an instrument to block 
labor struggles and unionization. 
And the trade union movement 
must recognize this fact and act 

2. The surest, and in fact the 
only reliable weapons of the trade 
union movement today are: OR- 
Instinctively the workers have 
come to recognize this fact. The 
increase in strikes in the last few 
months is inspiring indeed to those 
who regarded with d'smay the 


The American League Against 
War and Fascism, in an appeal to 
all its local and affiliated bodies 
and all other organizations fight- 
ing the menace of war and fascism, 
calls for a nation-wide campaign 
against the vigorous war prepara- 
tions initiated by the Roosevelt 

The campaign will culminate on 
January 3 with the sending of a 
mass delegation to Washington to 
protest to Congress against the 
building of the world's most effi- 
cient death-machine. The call 
the latest points out that today while star- 

vation devastates the land, the gov- 
ernment appropriates and spends 
millions on building battleships, 
militaris'ng the youth in the R. O. 
T. C. and the Civil Conservation 
Corps and on military propaganda. 
Against these measures of the 
administration the League will 
fight to rally the American peo- 
ple to fight for the following de- 
mands: no grants from public 
works appropriations for war 
works; immediate cancellation of 
all war contracts; immediate abo- 
lition of the R.O.T.C, CllTC 
and the C.C.C " 

apathy of the labor movement. In 
February, the number of man-days 
lost thru strikes (this index is cal- 
culated by multiplying the num- 
ber of men out on strike by the 
number _pf days the strike lasts) 
was abotit 109,000. In March, 445,- 
000; in April, 535,00; in May, 603,- 
000; in June, 504,000; in July, 1,- 
404.000; in August, 1,730,000; and 
in September, 3,826,000! In other 
words, the strike index in Septem- 
ber jumped to over thirty times 
what it had been eight months 
before. And there is no mystery 
as to the chief causes of this wave 
of strikes: Organization, recogni- 
tion of the union, increases in wag- 
es to keep up with the rising cost 
of living and, lately, protest 
against' the anti-labor decisions of 
the NRA and labor boards. In the 
same editorial from which we quot- 
ed above, the New York Evening 
Post admits quite frankly: 

"Most of the new strikes are 
based on dissatisfaction with lo- 
cal and national labor boards." 
Whatever the workers have 
gained hitherto, in unionization 
and in improved conditions, they 
have gained thru striking. Where- 
ever workers have weakened or al- 
lowed themselves to be lulled to 
sleep by promises for the future if 
only they were "reasonable", they 
have uniformly found themselves 

workers the League a^mnlions SS&L? 
for cash relief and unemployment 
insurance; millions in federal 

grants for the educational system; 
I the extension of public works. 


Eden Rock Cafeteria 

102 W 14th .ST. 
West of 6th Ave. 

D9U t^ t betr" ^ ^ 93 -» B — * — i 

Addi ioTu"irt. if you buy ° ne ° f ° ur c " mbinati "" «*- - 

Bsadvicfaeg that only », know how to make. 


go to 

employers and their NRA friends 
In the present critical hour for la- 
bor, unionization and the strike 
are the only things upon which the 
workers can rely! 


{Continued from Page 1) 
liquidate the debt left from the 
Free Tom Mooney Congress and 
the later sale of the Free Tom 
Mooney stamps 

The Tom Mooney Moulders' Dez 
fense Committee is penniless, with 
a debt of $4,000. I have just 60c 
to my credit on the prison books, 
and have not been able to order 
any prison commissaries for the 
past four months. In spite of this 
tremendous obstacle, my defense 
committee is now having prepared 
a 132 page booklet, exposing this 
foul conspiracy against me. It will 
tell the story that I had hoped to 
tell in my recent trial, but was 
prevented from doing so by the 
powerful bankers and industrial- 
ists who are in complete control. 
Just as soon as my defense com- 
mittee can secure the necessary 
funds, this booklet will be pub- 
lished. Will you help me do this? 
I want to circulate these booklets 
by the hundreds of thousands. 

Sometime during November or 
December, my attorneys Frank P- 
Walsh of New York City, and 
John F. Finnerty of Washington, 
D. C. will attempt to secure my 
freedom on a writ of Habeas Cor- 
pus in the United States Supreme 
Court. A tremendous wave of agi- 
tation, demanding my freedom, 
should precede this move. The 
United States Senators and Re- 
presentatives from your state, to- 
gether with the President and the 
Attorney General of these United 
States, should be appealed to coop- 
(Continued on Page 4) 


523 Sixth Avenue 

N. Y. C. 

lTsTTwo weeks 



Ends January 15th, 1934 

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From "Real Communism" to "Real Democracy 


Tho degeneration of classical 
Tr rtikvism int» outright centrism 
? vh oVvulgar character is scarcely 
Eteed by its sophusticoted 
Xwrxist" phraseology, has taken 
„£ce more rapidly than any one 
Enacted and is now practically 
'Xlete. A study of the current 
Steal documents emanating 
Lm Trotsky's pen will convince 
im- one of that. But most signifi- 
Snt perhaps, is the article "Our 
rUent Tasks" appearing in The 
Stoat of . December 9, 1933 
Ban Trotskyism concludes its most 
Scant cycle of development from 
..„,,] Communism" to "real democ- 
acy " The few remaining shreds 
of Lanimst pretensions are at last 

The new standpoint of Trotsky- 
iaJ is thoroly false aiid reform- 
ktfe to its very core— in its anal- 
ysis in its tactical proposals of 
nol'icv. even in its characteristic 
Analogies. More than that, as if 
Sensing the more than doubtful 
character of his present position, 
Trotsky tries to blur it m a cloud 
of counter-charges that pass be- 
yond the measure of dishonesty. 
The article is instructive indeed — 
tut especially for the Trotskyites. 

The point of departure of the 
whole Trotskyist analysis of "our 
present tasks" is the estimation of 
the present political situation. De- 
clares Trotsky: "The victory of 
National-Socialism in Germany 
brought about in other countries 
. the strengthening of demo- 
cratic tendencies." Nothing could 
be more completely and entirely 
false. Not the "democratic ten- 
dencies" have been strengthened 
among the masses but rather the 
Fascist tendencies or something 
very close to them. Only those 
who are constitutionally unable to 
see things as they are, such as cer- 
tain Social-democratic leaders or 
those who deliberately blind them- 
selves to reality, such as the Trot- 
skvites, can fail to discover in the 
present period the degradation of 
the democratic dogma, the dissipa- 
tion of age-old democratic illusions 
—replaced not so much by revolu- 
tionary Communism as by some 

Leon Trotsky Completes the Circle! 

form of Fascism or near-Fascism. 
To miss observing this striking 
phenomenon is to convict oneself 
of incurable political self-delusion. 

Even among the most advanced 
Socialistic sections of the working 
class, upon whom Fascism can 
make no imprint, the triumph of 
Hitlerism has brought no strength- 
ening or revival of democratic illu- 
sions. Just tho reverse, a very 
large section of the Social-democ- 
racy all over the world is speaking 
of the "bankruptcy of democ 
racy," of the necessity for a "more 
realistic outlook/' and even — that 
dteaded word! — of dictatorship. Of 
the two examples Trotsky gives to 
substantiate his view (Norway, 
England), both arc palpably false, 
since the tendency in the British 
labor movement has been, if any- 
thing, away from tho traditional 
fetishism of democracy. 

In Norway too Fascism has been 
growing by leaps and hounds. The 
six months old ^National Union is 
already the largest of the minor 
parties and has outstripped the of- 
ficial C. P. 

Trotsky wholly forgets Germany, 
Spain, France, Austria, the United 
States. In his characteristically 
pompous manner, the whole thing 
is dismissed as an obvious truism 
not necessitating argument or evi- 

With such a starting point there 
is no telling where Trotsky lands. 
He not only reiterates even more 
positively his proposal that the 
restoration of the democratic sys- 
tem, of the old and exhausted Wei- 
mar Constitution slightly revamp- 
ed, become the transition slogan of 
the revolutionary struggle against 
German Fascism. He universalizes 
this crudely reformist tactical pol- 
icy and applies it to a whole series 
of countries — even to Belgium! 
• At this point Trotsky permits 
himself a piece of brazen political 
falsification of which the most ex- 
pert "Red professor" oh Stalin's 
staff might grow green with envy. 
"... The Brandlerites," we are 

by Will Hcrberg 

seriously assured, "declared demo- 
cratic slogans under prohibition for 
all the countries of the world: for 
India which did not ns yet accom- 
plish its liberating national revo- 
lution; for Spain where the prole- 
tarian vanguard must yet find the 
ways of transforming the creeping 
bourgeois revolution into a social- 
ist one , . . " What unashamed 
lying! Has Trotsky forgotten that 
it was he and his echoes who in- 
sisted that tho Spanish monarchy 
could fall only under the blows of 
a proletarian revolution? Has Trot- 
sky forgotten that it was he and 
Ins echoes who abused Comrade 
Roy and the Communist Opposi 
Lion in tho most unmeasured terms 
because we analyzed tho coming 
Indian revolution as a democratic 
revolution and formed our tactical 
policies accordingly? Here, at 
least, Trotsky's cynical calculation: 
on the shortness of political mem- 
ory wil certainly miscarry! 

In striking violation of the most 
elementary demands of Marxism, 
Trotsky makes no attempt to ex- 
amine concretely the countries for 
which he so glibly prescribes tacti- 
cal recipes, Russia in 1917 — Ger- 
many — India — Spain — Belgium; all 
in the same pot! In discussing 
democracy and democratic slogans, 
he does not even make the most 
primitive distinction between those 
countries which still have to face 
a bourgeois-democratic upheaval 
(India) or which are in the midst 
of it today (Spain) from those 
whoso bourgeois transformation 
has been completed long ago (Bel- 
gium). Because democratic slo- 
gans and even, in certain circum- 
stances, the struggle for democra- 
cy as a system (constituent assem- 
bly) t may be in place in the for- 
mer, therefore they must apply 
equally well to the latter! If this 
is not vulgar democracy on the 
crudest Social-democratic model, 
then what is it? 

Trotsky denounces indignantly 
tho contention that his present 
course represents oven a hair's- 
breadth deviation from the Trot- 
skyism of old, tho "left of the left." 
But does he really think that all 
men have lost their memories? 
Only a few years ago he used the 
same vehemence that ho employs 
today to champion the proposal to 
base the anti-Hitler struggle on 
the stirring demand to call a new 
Reichstag, in order to denounce the 
proposal to base the struggle 
against Fascism in Italy on the 
slogan of a "constituent assembly 
of workers and peasants commit- 
tee." At that time, this thousand 
times more correct slogan was 
grossly opportunist; today, appa- 
rently, it is altogether too leftist 
for Trotsky. 

One thing can be said for Trot- 
sky — when he does a job, he does 
it thoroly. This is true of his anti- 
Soviet Thermidorian theories and 
this is true of his new gospel of 
the revival of bourgeois democra- 
cy. He goes the whole hog! He 
proposes — for the whole world ap- 
parently but specifically for a 
group of countries including Bel- 
gium — that the Communists urge 
the Social-democrats to launch a 
"real" struggle for a "strong dem- 
ocratic government," for "real de- 
mocracy," for the "full concentra- 
tion of legislative and executive 
power in the hands of one cham- 
ber"! And while you are still gasp- 
ing, Trotsky retorts: "Did not the 
Bolsheviks stand for such a pro- 
gram from April to September 
1917?" Russia in the throes of a 
bourgeois upheaval passing into a 
proletarian revolution and Belgium 
today are just about the same to 
our super-Marxist! 

What does it mean to call for a 
"stiong democratic government" in 
a fully developed capitalistic coun- 
try like Belgium or the United 
States? It means to demand the 
strengthening of the concentrated 

political jiower of capital! How 
many times has TrotRky himself 
condemned the ultra-reformist So- 
cial-democratic leaders for urging 
the workers to fight for a "strong 
state power on a democratic 
basis" ?; Where haa Trotsky 

What does it mean, referring to 
a fully developed capitalist coun- 
try such as Belgium or the United 
States, to speak of "real democra- 
cy" as something distinct from the 
proletarian dictatorship? How 
many times has Trotsky himself 
:ondemned tho ultra-reformist So- 
cial-democratic leaders for coming 
out in favor of "real democracy" 
while denouncing the proletarian 
dictatorship? Where has Trotsky 

And after all this Trotsky has 
Lhe brazen cynicism to conclude: 
"This is the way I picture the basic 
characteristics of a truly Marxian 
po'icy for the coming period." 

Yes, Trotskyism has taken on a 
new aspect. It has become the 
new ideological gathering point of 
contemporary centrism. The de- 
gr idation of the democratic illu- 
sions of the immediate post-war 
period have exhausted the tradi- 
tional ideology of centrism, Austro- 
Marxism, and have deprived it of 
its very basis — Austro-Marxism 
whose essential stock in trade was 
the cheap attempt to "combine" 
revolutionary Marxism, Commu- 
nism, with the fetishism of democ- 
racy. Today a new ideology is 
necessary and Trotsky has eagerly 
come forward with it. He parades 
his wares to the not altogether 
convinced centrist customers: an 
anti-Soviet and counter-revolution- 
ary attitude towards the U.S.S.R. 
covered with revolutionary memo- 
ries of 1917! the readiness to form 
a new "revolutionary"' Interna- 
tional in which the very term Com- 
munism shall be banned and, per- 
haps most characteristic of all, an 
opportunity to shift the reformist 
worship of democracy to a new 
basis more in consonance with the 

What a Rake's Progress — from 
"real Communism" to "real democ- 

Dressmakers in Fight on 
Code Authority 

New York, N. Y. 
Several thousand workers an- 
swered the call of Dressmakers 
Local 22, I.L.G.W.U. and enthu- 
siastically endorsed the resolution 
proposed against the D-esc Code 

The resolution declare* in part, 
"Ii this ruling of the Code Author- 
ity is allowed to go unchallenged, 
the way is opened to other modifi- 
cations of the agreement, which 
would make the agreement itself 
into a scrap of paper." The reso- 
lution also endorsed the position 
taken by the executive board of 
Local 22 in denouncing and defy- 
ing the Code Authority Ruling. 

What is probably the first case 
of an American Federation of La- 
bor Union publicly denouncing a 
ruling of a code authority and 
calling upon its members to "disre- 
: it because the ruling "vio- 

lated the collective agreement the 

ust, is supreme and "supercedes 
the code" in case of any conflict. 

"The Executive Board of Local 
22", the union statement reads, 
"protests most vigorously against 
this decision of the Code Authori- 
ty. The collective agreement, con- 
cluded as a result of the recent 
general strike, calls for a 35-hour 
week, with overtime strictly pro- 
hibited. No one has the right to 
modify this agreement. . . If the 
Code Authority is permitted, with 
out resistance, to arbitrarily modi 
fy any provision of the collective 
agreement, then the collective 
agrement itself becomes no more 
than a scrap of paper!" 

In the same manifesto, the union 
calls its 30,000 members to a mass 
protest meeting against the ruling 
of the Code Authority. Interest 
is being shown by union members 
in the issue and a well-attended 
protest meeting is expected. 

New York City. 
The Call of Youth (December 
onion had reached with the em- 1 1933), official organ of the Young 

plovers'* appeared today in a mani- 
[: ■ ■ aeo by Dressmakers Union 
I-ocal 22, International Ladies Gar- 
ment Workers Union, affiliated 
W tbe A 1 of L. The action of 
we onion, indirectly a challenge 
w the N'KA, was taken in connec- 
tion with the recent deciaion of the 
'"" Industry Code Authority 
g drew manufacturers the 
to work their sain pie -makers 
one hour a day overtime for three 
b the holiday season. The 
;' 'r>- thru its chairman, Louis 
'-'■'■ it'. .--eeretarj -manager, 
Zimmerman, charges 
that ;hj- rating riolates the clause 
■ ;■'■■ - ment ban- 
' •' '■ erttrae without any r* ' ' 
The union insiBts that 
- r - collective agreement, which 
wrmtnated the genera] itrfke ot 
OJM 70,000 dressmakers in thia 
aty Wards the middle of Aug- 

Circle League, carries on its front 
page a number of mounted pictures 
to illustrate that preparations for 
war are going on. One of the pic- 
tures, much to our surprise, shows 
Ernst Thaelmann, the imprisoned 
leader of the German Communist 
Party, addressing a huge meeting 
during the last presidential cam- 
paign before the Nazis came to 
power. It will be recalled that 
Thaelmann was the Communist 
candidate for president. 

To what shall we attribute thb 
oversight"? Is it a deliberate po- 
litical blander or just downright 
ignorant-' ami stupidity? The Call 
of Youth owes an answer, 


As the dreadful deeds of the Hit- 
ler terror roll on, the true nature 
of German Fascism is becoming 
clear to the great mass of the peo- 
ple. Hitler has harped much on 
the word "Socialist" in the name 
of the .Nazi party. Goebbels has 
waxed eloquent on the role of la- 
bor in the Third Reich, The per- 
sonnel of the eight-minute Reich- 
stag, elected at the point of the 
gun recently in Germany, gives a 
clear answer to those liberals or 
pseudo-Socialists who have had 
any doubt at all as to the charact- 
er of the Hitler movement in parti- 
cular and the Fascist movement 
in general. In this shortest lived 
parliamentary body in the history 
of capitalist democratic institu- 
tions, there are to be found the 
following members: 

Two princes, sixty of noble 
blood, one hundred large scale 
landowners, twelve trust magnates, 
sixty Junkers, one hundred twen- 
ty-five military men of the S.A., 
S.S., Stahlhelm and their like and 
seventeen who once were workers. 

Of course, no one takes seriously, 
in the slightest way, the working- 
class ideals or intentions of these 
seventeen. They are primarily 
what the Germans call "Lumpen- 
proletarlcr" slum-proletarians, de- 
classed elements thrown up by 
the proletariat as degenrate into 
the .sewers of Fascism. Inside the 
Nazi party they have nothing to 
say but only to carry out some of 
the vilest tasks against the work- 
ing class. 

Proletarian Youth Secede; 
Protest Sectarianism 

The process of disintegration of 
the Proletarian Party, since its 
last convention, is proceeding quite 
rapidly. Folloiving hard on the 
heels of the expulsions and resig- 
nations which took place in De- 
troit, California and other cities, 
from the P.P., conies now a break 
also in the Proletarian Youth 
League. The division comes essen- 
tially over questions of mass work 
and struggle along constructive 
ciomnmiiist lines as agadnsi 'the 
moth-eaten policies of the Kera- 
chers. Policies of hurocratic control 
and ultra-leftist sectarianism and 

We print below a letter from a 
group of young workers who have 
resigned from the P.Y.L. We arc 
convinced that on close study of 
the platforms of the various com- 
munist tendencies they will take 
their place together with us in the 
Communist Opposition, as many of 
their older comrades from the Pro- 
letarian Party have done recently. 
— Editor. 

• * ♦ 


Due to the following conditions 
existing in the P. Y. L. we the un- 
dersigned do hereby resign from 
the above mentioned organization. 

1. The P. Y. L. makes no attempt 
to become the revolutionary van- 
guard of the working class youth. 
This is proven by its failure to 
participate in the everyday strug- 
gles and the demand? of the work- 
ers — the means by w.iich they can 
prove to the workers the correct- 
ness of their position. 

2. The P. Y. L. maintains that 
there is no Negro or agrarian 


"Rivera Looks at American Traditions" 
JANUARY X4th, 8 P. M., 51 W. 14 ST. 

problem and that the approach tak- 
en toward them should be the same 
as that taken towards all other 
workers. Which means that the 
P. Y. L. in presenting no demands 
for these groups has no way of 
contacting them. 

3. The P. Y. L. as an organiza- 
tion does not give its membership 
the right to formulate its activi- 
ties, even on the principles laid 
down by the parent organization, 
the P.P. Instead the Proletarian 
Party insists that the P. Y. L.'s 
entire N. E. C. be composed of 
members of the Youth League who 
are also party members. Which is 
an open attempt by the P. P. to es- 
tablish a hurocratic element of P. 
P. members to control the problems 
of the P. Y. L. 

A. Altho the P. P. has a member 
sitting in on all business meetings 
of the P. Y. L., a non-party repre- 
sentative of the P. Y. L. can not 
sit in on any meeting of the P. P., 
even those in which the problems 
of the youth are discussed. 

Wc feel that because the P. P.'s 
absolute control of the P. Y. L.'s 
business, it is our duty to either 
join the party, so that we can help 
formulate the line of action which 
tho P. Y. L. shall follow, or else 
eavo the Youth League. 

Therefore, the principles and or- 
ganizational structure of the P.P. 
being of a sectarian and hurocratic 
nature, which makes it impossible 
to serve us the political party 
whicll will emancipate the work- 
ers; we, as Communists, hand in 
our resignations. 

C. Jones, A, Wiencek, S. 
Walters, R. Lovett, N. Wioyi- 
r<k, R. lircnner, Ii. Nagle, 
I). Cube, Ii, Jones, K. Jones, 
L. Walters, H. Iiomtn, F. 
J one a. 



Dollar Devaluation and 'New DeaP 

The cornerstone of the Roosevelt 
economic policy is the raising of 
commodity prices. The theory of 
this plan runs something like this 
and is based on the following as- 

1. If prices are raised, then em- 
ployers will want to produce and 
economic life will revive. This as- 
sumption doesn't hold water be- 
cause -what is implied here is that 
the raising of the price of com- 
modities insure their sale. 

2. It is assumed, that if employ- 
ers begin to increase production, 
then many workers will be hired. 
This assumption is increasingly 
false because it overlooks the role 
of labor-saving machinery under 
the capitalist system. Less and less 
is the increase in the number of 
workers engaged in production di- 
rectly proportional to the total in- 
crease in production. 

3. It is further assumed by the 
Roosevelt economists that, if work- 
ers are employed, then necessarily 
there is a huge increase of total 
purchasing power. This assump- 
tion has as little in it as the others 
from which it directly flows. The 
mere fact that a number of work- 
ers may be rehired does not in it- 
self appreciably enhance the total 
purchasing power. With the in- 
crease in prices thru artificial 
measures, such as the cheapening 
of money against other commod- 
ities and other sundry inflationary 
practices, the total purchasing 
power is often not increased even 
to the extent of the very limited in- 
crease in the number of workers 

4. The fallacies and futilities 
of the Roosevelt economics are 
brought into especially bold relief 
by the fact that it overlooks the 
divisions within the capitalist eco- 
nomic organism itself — the infe- 
rior, disadvantageous position to 
which agriculture is doomed in its 
relation to industry. 

What Does the Roosevelt Policy Mean? 

arket, not only doesn't add 

R.F.C. is to be found in the frantic 
efforts of the President to bring 
about a revival of production here 
thru an increased sale of American 
commodities in the world market. 
The Administration speculates on 
something like this happening; 
Once the value of the dollar, its 
exchange value as against foreign 
currencies, is lowered, European 
buyers will have to give less of 
their national currency for Amcr- 
"can commodities and they will, 
therefore, begin to buy American 
products. This may be so — and 
then again it may not be so; but 
assuming for the moment that this 
policy does succeed, its very suc- 
cess spells failure. The moment 
this stimulating of the export of 
American commodities thru the 
cheapening of the dollar shows any 
effectiveness at all, then, other 
countries will begin to retaliate by 
resorting to the same practise of 
depreciating their own currencies 
or of raising tariff schedules on 
American goods in direct propor- 
tion to the lowering of the value 
of the dollar in order to be able to 
overcome American competition. 
The experience of England in the 
field of "managed currency" brings 
this point home beyond contention. 
British imperialism has failed to 
raise prices of its commodities in 
its home market and to secure as 
a consequence a revival of its pro- 
duction and trade. 

The prices of basic commodities 
are fixed in the world market, 
by world conditions. All national 
attempts at artificial price manipU' 

by Jay Lovestone 

The whole money crisis brings to 
a head the hopeless tangle, the 
knot of contradictions winch can- 
not be united within the framework 
of the capitalist social and eco- 
nomic system. For all of these con- 
tradictions the workers are the 
heaviest payers. For the toiling 
folks on the farms, inflation affords 
no real relief but only a further 
road to expropriation. For people 
receiving medium and low salaries 
which are relatively permanent, 
the Roosevelt inflation program is 
not good because their salaries 
tend to become smaller and smaller 
in actual value because they will 
require more money for the pur- 
chase of other commodities that 
they need. Of course, for the big 
owners of property, this inflation- 
ary process is not so bad, and is, 
in fact, often very helpful because, 
with the devaluation of the dollar 
as a commodity, the prices of their 
property goes up at least in direct 
to the inflation of cur- 

economic stability at home, not 
only doesn't eradicate the mania of 
domestic speculation but also tends 
to further promote international 
uncertainty, financial and indus- 
trial instability and speculation on 
a world scale. The Roosevelt 
monetary measures, if adhered to 
for some time, are bound to bring 
in their train an international cur- 
rency war which will be disastrous 
politically and economically. In 
the eyes of many capitalists, the 
Roosevelt currency program fans 
(he flames of the already devastat- 
ing fire of the world credit crisis. 
Inflation is a cure that is easy to 
begin to apply but becomes in- 
creasingly hard to end. As a prac- 
tise, at best, it is a morphine for 
the inherent and ever-more acute 
contradictions of capitalism— par- 
ticularly, the basic contradiction, 
the gap between the rising produc- 
tive capacities and the relatively, 
and often absolutely, declining con- 
sumption possibilities. Like all 
narcotics it may momentarily give 
the illusion of alleviating pain but 

ing on securing a series of appa- 
rent relief measures and shortlived 
improvement periods in the hope 
that something new and unforeaeen 
will break, either here or over 
there, or somewheres; that some 
vague something will come which 
will g'.ve a real and fairly lasting 
revival to production, to industry 
to the whole economic life of 
American capitalism. 

But, and the but looms bigger 
and most dangerously on the hor- 
izon, in economics even more than 
m politics, the plan-makers and 
.heir plans, the program-buildera 
and their programs based on un- 
foreseen events which are possible 
only in the realm of imagination 
and hope, bring on confusion 
worse confounded and lead to chaos 

rency. The whole process o 
Roosevelt monetary program is 
simply another avenue for the de- 
struction of the surpluses of in- 
dustrial and financial capital now 
choking the economic life of the 
bourgeois order. 

All the monetary manipulation 
schemes are very explosive for the 
capitalist system as such. That is 
why it has aroused very much sus- 
picion and as much opposition 
amongst certain sections of the 
ation can only disturb for a short I topmost layer of the capitalist 
time, can only undermine in the class in this country. The increas- 
ing run the economic structure it- | ing uncertainty surrounding the 
self ; but cannot determine for a ] dollar, the aggravated instability 
ong time the prices of basic com- | of American currency, but yester- 
modities. day kingpin in the world money 

proportion to the iniiation oi c ur -^hTs""infTation^ v shot in "the arm,' 
I tne ... ,. ,, nP .._ 

like all others of its kind only con- 
tinually and seriously undermines 
the whole system, physically and 

The monetary morphine cures of 
tho "New Deal" can only bring 
for the great mass of people in 
this country a new ordeal. They 
are dangerous dope. They are be- 
ing resorted to as a matter of de- 
spair. They are only another at 

formed with the object of en- 
couraging armed conflict against 
the other Contracting Party or 
of undermining its territorial 
integrity, or of subverting by 
torcc its political or social in- 
stitutions nor yet such organiza- 
tions as claim to be the Govern- 
ment of the other Party or of a 
part of the territories of the 
other Party. The Contracting 
Parties therefore undertake to 
prevent such organizations, 
their official representatives and 
other persons connected there- 
with, from establishing them- 
selves on their territory, and to 
prohibit military recruiting, 
etc. ..." 

The Workers Age is not a text- 
book of international law. We 
have given sufficient proof that the 

tempt at "solving" the crisis. The Soviet Union, under the leadership 
basic way thru which capitalism | of Lenin in 1920 and 1921, signed 

attempts to solve, even momen- 
tarily, its crises, is thru the de- 
struction of products, of industry 
itself, of the standard of living of 
the masses of workers. The Wash- 
ington Administration is speculat- 

The present money crisis arises 
out of this entire Roosevelt eco- 
nomic program. The President's 
policy of dollar devaluation, of -art- 
ificially and arbitrarily lowering 
the legally required gold content 
of the dollar, is inseparable from 
his policy of driving for industrial 
revival thru executive and legisla- 
tive price-raising. The whole hec- 
tic atmosphere now surrounding 
the money situation in the United 
States comes as a result of the 
country's having already passed 
the peak of the midsummer infla- 
tion recovery and of having entered 
the trough of this particular arti- 
ficial boomlet. The desperate dol- ] 
lar devaluation scheme is simply 
another fundamentally futile at- 
tempt to lift the country's economic 
machine out of the mess. In real- 
ity and at best, the process is one 
of lifting oneself up by his own 
boot straps. 

What are the reasons animating 
the Administration's present gold 
or monetary policy? Certainly the 
American capitalist class has plen- 
ty of gold. In the country itself 
there is today more money in cir- 
culation than there was at the peak 
of the 1928-29 prosperity days. 
Therefore let us dismiss imme- 
diately the theory of a shortage of 
tfold or money as the source of 
the present Roosevelt monetary 

The main reasons for the Roose- 
velt currency program are the fol- 

Farmers have begun to suffer 
acutely from the disparity of prices 
between industrial and agricultural 
products, a disparity aggravated 
by the very mainspring of the 
Roosevelt price-raising program. 
This sharpened disparity of prices 
is the cause of the mounting dis- 
content in rural areas, a discon- 
tent which doesn't bode well for 
the Roosevelt Administration. The 
latest efforts at dollar devaluation [ 
will not overcome this disparity of 
price* tho they may bring a mo- 
mentary and superficial price rise 
for agricultural commodities. The 
reason for this is that mere tinker- 
ing with the currency flow doesn't 
even begin to touch, let alone alter 
essentially, the fundamental rela- 
tionship between agriculture and 
industry in the capitalist economic 

' The second reason motivating 
the latest gold buying, and hence 
dollar-cheapening policy of the 

Trotskyite Slanders. Return As Boomerangs 



The latest issue of the Militant 
has Shachtman (-sn) tearing his 
hair, over the "bargain" between 
Litvinoff and Roosevelt on Soviet 
recognition. Articles 3 and 4 are 
alleged to be the final seal of "be- 
trayal" of the world proletarian 
revolution by Stalin and Litvinoff. 
The articles are: 

"3. Not to permit the forma- 
tion or residence on its terri- 
tory of any organization or 
group — and to prevent the activ- 
ity on its territory to any or- 
ganization or group, or of rep- 
resentatives or officials of any 
organization or group — which 
makes claim to be the govern- 
ment of, or makes attempt upon 
the territorial integrity of the 
United States, its territories or 
possessions, not to form, sub- 
sidise, support, or permit on its 
territory military organizations 
or groups having the aim of 
armed struggle against the 

by A. Hackman 

Of these articles, Shachtman de- 
clares with synthetic indignation: 
"In these undertakings the Stalin 
regime pledges itself to something 
which it has never previously 
yielded to a bourgeois government: 
The formal suppression or expul- 
sion from the Soviet Union of the 
Third International or any other 
revolutionary organization not 
strictly limited in its objects to 

He challenges the Daily Worker 
to prove that such provisions were 
part of any other recognition pact 
which the Soviet Union signed. 

The Daily Worker continues its 
ballyhoo about the Soviet Union 
and the "aroused American prole- 
tariat" having forced recognition! 
It has as yet made no attempt to 
answer the hysterical charges of 
the anti-Soviet demagogues, with 

United States, its territories or Trotsky himself in the lead.' It is 

possessions, and to prevent any 
recruiting on behalf of such or- 
ganizations or groups-. 

"4. Not to permit the forma- 
tion or residence on its ter- 
ritory of any organization or 
group — and to prevent the activ- 
ity on its territory of any or- 
ganization or group, or of any 
representatives or officials of 
any organization or groups — 
which has as an aim the over- 
throw, or of bringing about by- 
force of a change in the politi- 
cal or the social order of the 
whole or any part of the United 
States, its territories or posses- 

These are two of the articles 
which Litvinoff informed the Pres- 
ident were part of the "fixed poli- 
cy of the government of the Union 
of^ Socialist Soviet Republics." 

To this Roosevelt replied, repeat- 
ing all of the articles and closing 
with: "It will be the fixed policy 
of the Executive of the United 
States, within the limits of the 
powers conferred by the constitu 
tion and the laws of the United 
State*,, to adhere reciprocally to 
the engagements above expressed." I 

incapable of making any serious 
reply because it is so sterile and 
ideologically servile, that it cannot 
even defend its own position. 

As usual, it is left to the Com- 
munist Opposition to explain the 
policies of the Soviet Union and 

The New 
Workers School 



Special Lenin Anniversary 

Coursea in Marxist theory, hist- 
ory and problems of the 
labor movement, etc. 


51 West 14 Street 

New York City 

champion them against its enemies 
and its doubtful friends. 

When Lenin was alive, when 
Trotsky was still riding out on a 
white horse as Commissar of War 
to receive the salute of the Red 
army, the Soviet Union, from 
February 1920 on, signed treaties 
containing these same clauses, DE- 
MANDING those same clauses, as 
a pledge from the bourgeois coun- 
tries against the White Guardist 

Here are a few examples: 
Treaty of Peace between Estho- 
nia and Russia, signed at Tartu 
on February 2, 1920 (League of 

agreements precisely like that 
which Litvinoff has just made with 
Roosevelt. The Communist Inter- 
national did not thereby receive a 
deathblow. The world proletariat 
was not betrayed. Its cause was 
thereby advanced, for, every 
strengthening of the Soviet Union 
is a step forward for the interna- 
tional working class. 

There are more treaties of this 
kind. They can be found in the 
source mentioned, or if the reader 
is fortunate he may be able to ob- 
tain a copy of Malbone W. Gra- 
ham, Jr.'s excellent study, "The 
Soviet Security System," Interna- 
tional Conciliation, Carnegie En- 
dowment for International Peace, 
September 1929, Number 252. 


(Continued from Page 2) 
crate in this move to secure justice 
for an innocent man. 

July 27, 1933, I began my 

18th year in prison for a crime 

that I was acquitted of on the 

24th day of last May. That is 

Nations Treaty' Series Volume XI, democratic capitalist class justice 

pages 29-72), article 7, section 5. 
"To forbid the formation, and 
the presence in their territory, 
of any organizations or groups 
whatsoever claiming to govern 
all or part of the territory of 
the other contracting party, and 
the presence of representatives 
or officials of organizations or 
groups whose object is to over- 
throw the government of the 
other party to the Treaty." 
Treaty between the Esthonian 
Democratic Republic and the 
Ukrainian Socialist Soviet Repub- 
lic, respecting future relations, 
signed at Moscow, November 26, 
1921. (Same series, Volume XI, 
number 294, pages 121-142). Arti- 
cle 2, of this treaty is identical 
with the article in the Esthonian 
Treaty quoted above. 

Article 4, section 2 of the Peace 
Treaty between Latvia and Russia, 
done at Moscow, completed and 
signed at Riga, August 11, 1920. 
(Same series, Volume II, number 
67, page 215) is identical with the 
ono quoted above. 

In article 6 of the Final Peace 
of Riga, March 18, 1921, between 
Poland and tho R.S.P.S.R. and the 
Ukraine (Volume VI, number, 149, 
pages 61-170), not only do tho gov- 
ernments pledge themselves to re- 
frain from interference in each 
others internal affairs, etc., but the 
following is also agreed to: 

"Each of the Contracting Par- 
lies undertakes not to create or 
protect organizations which are 

with a vengeance. 

I do sincerely hope that you mil 
treat with generous consideration 
this most urgent appeal for help, 
commensurate with your means 
and the worthiness of this cause. 
/ plaid with you, I urge -you, ' ™" 
plore you not to forsake me in thu 
hour of great need. Don't cast i» 
appeal aside lightly or throw it in- 
to the waste basket. Just thintc 01 
what it means to an mwcent man, 
buried alive in this tomb of for- 
gotten men for seventeen of tne 
best years of his life, denied and 
deprived of all tluit life liolds dear. 
How would you feel if you were so 
brutally treated' Won't you do as 
much for me as you would tint 
others to do for you, if in a simi- 
lar irredicament? 

Accept my heartfelt thankful ap- 
preciation for any consideration 
you may show this desperate op 
pea], . 

With my warmest personal re 
gards and best proletarian greet- 
ings, I am, 

Cordially yours, . 

TOM MOONEY, No. 31921 
San Quentin Prison- 
* # • 
Anthracite Tom Mooncy 

147 Jackson St., 
Luzerne, Pa. 
Dear Comrades: „/ 

My committeo informs »« » 
your contribution of $5.00, recoIW 
(Continued on Pane o) 


*P Church Conflict in Nazi Germany 

hat to? 



lo <4ao s 

1 of «,. 
- a 8»inst 

any or 
tu >g bv 
^Ul in', 

or of a 

of the 
take to 
ves lad 
I there- 

and to 

a text- 
'■ We 
hat the 

i that 
ie with 

cede a 
se was 



of this 
in the 
to ob- 
'. Gra- 
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ie En- 



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•hat.* 5 

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erst''" 1 
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i, would be thoroughly wrong to 
I- "ttie Church conlnct on the 
> < oi what the opposing parHea 
ua " »k.ul themselves, ll Kosen- 
£/S the ■■«"»» Ch 
^ fare they are hunting I 
" ™ o° thu.Ki.ig" against the dog- 
""",? the Church, tws is a joke,- 
""Va bad one at that. On the one 
" / tne Nazis, suppressing 
iSw thought not in agreement 
1 .". 'their ruie, can't all oi a sud- 
*' l.pcume the outstanding cham- 
aer ' o spiritual ireedom against 
P ' =thood Oa the other hand 
.'- tight against religious 

Jlperstltion as such or against, the 

institution, Put only- 
entire submitting ot church 
:o their propaganda 
so that religious su- 

liorch as an I 

for an 

and clergy 

Ssntion might conform with the 
H' e superstition of Fascism. 

On the other hand it is utterly 
ridiculous, if the Social-democrats 
T the -Neue Vorwarts" and the 
Deutsche Freiheit" are proclaim- 
,ne the protesting evangelic min- 
sters anu the Jesuit MucKermann 
^ outstanding lighters ot the pro- 
t re «ve spirit against the fascist 
Slniral barbarism. This nonsense, 
now repeated by Social-democrats, 
that the Protestant Church is a 
retreat of free development of spi- 
rit is already negated by Lessrag. 
It'onlv shows that the Social-de- 
mocracy has learned nothing, has 
forgotten nothing. 

If it is now praising "true Chris- 
tianity" as a rampart against the 
Fascist destruction of culture, then 
it is praising the same "true 
Christianity" in the name of which 
the Protestant and Catholic im- 
posters always have advocated cul- 
tural reaction. In regard to cul- 
tural reaction, evangelic and Cath- 
olic fully agree with each other. 

But what causes the clash and 
conflicts? Concerning the contro- 
very of dogma, the situation is 
such that German Fascism differing 
from the Italian, can't be deprived 
of race swindle and anti-semitism 
as propaganda means. But this 
race theory contradicts the tradi- 
tional dogma of the church. The 
Nazis tried to suppress every critic 
of its race theory, also from the 
viewpoint of religious dogma. The 
Catholic Church through its con- 
cordat has reserved to itself the in 

Religious Opposition and Anti -Fascism 

count o ftheir followers, the mass 
of pious Church followers, driving 
.hem to do so. Without this pres- 
sure from below the German Na- 
cional clergy, in spite of its objec- 
tions, had acted in the same way as 
the National German officers and 

That there is a mass behind 
ihese 3000 protesting ministers 
driving them ahead, oniy two cases 
in evidence are necessary. In the 
suburbs of Stettin, in Stolzenhagen, 
the Minister there was dismissed 
oy the Nazi bishop for having or- 
ganized a protest meeting ot the 
Community against Re ichs bishop 
Muiler and the "German Christ- 
ians" instead of officiating divine 
service. The discharge had to be 
carried out with the help of "S.A.," 
the Community standing behind the 
minister. November 12, at the 
Reichstag election in the depart- 
ment oi Bielefeld 57% invalid votes 
against 35,146 votes for the Nazis 
were given. At the plebiscite the 
Nazis got 35,527 votes, there again 
were given 5710 no-votes and 1073 
invalid votes. This unusually high 
percentage of anti-Nazi voles (lar- 

c than in Berlin and Hamburg) 

to be explained by the fact that 
the residence of Bodeschweig is 
in Bethel, in the district of Biele- 
feld and that amongst the popula- 
tion there, those who are faithful 
to the Protestant Church are 
strongly represented. 

The result of the vote in Biele- 
feld is the grossest example of the 
clerical protest movement converg- 
ing with a political discontent with 
the Nazi regime. The mass of 

by a. P. 

movement is a symptom for the 
growing disappointments of these 
layers with the Hitler government. 
Especially in the protest movement 
of the Protestant Church, one 
notes, how in the course of time 
many petty-bourgeois until now 
enthusiastic Nazis begin to revolt. 
That is one point the working 
class has to consider in judging the 
Church conflict. The other is, that 
the clerical protest movement 
hows how effective a mass pro- 
test is, even under the worst fas- 
cist terror. The Protestant min 

the Nazis, who protect the clerical 
dogma and clerical organization 
from too rough intervention of 
Fascism. Should they succeed they 
will bless all misdeeds of Fascism, 
The interests of the masses, 
standing behind the protesting mill 
isters, are different. The religious 
protest for them is only a partly 
conscious, partly unconscious dis- 
guise of their discontent v/ith the 
political and economic effects of 
the Nazi regime. The Fascist re- 
action having suppressed all non- 
fascist political organizations, not 
admitting any political protest 
against its measures, has arranged 
that the discontent with the exist 

isters are in general no heroes and 1 ing political situation as in past 

— times, is wrapped up in religious 

vestments. But the religious pro 


especially no revolutionaries, 
even do not reject Fascism, 
they have forced Reichsbishop Mui- 
ler, the "personal confidant" of 
Hitler, behind whom stand the 
Nazi parly and the Fascist State, 
to retreat before their demands. 
Muiler and his people did not make 
his threats about concentration 
camps, etc. come true, but were 
disposed to make concessions, not 
only because the protesting minis- 
ters arc backed by influential capi- 
talist circles, but especially because 
they are here dealing with a mass, 
protesting openly, jointly and firm- 
ly. The conclusion which workers 
must derive therefrom is that mass 
protest, mass movements against 
the Fascist dictatorship, organized 
not by reactionary priests, but 
class-conscious workers and not in 
the name of religious superstition, 
hut on clear political terms, must 
be even more successful. 

pious Protestants (and also of 
pious Catholics) is composed of the The ministers, today leading the 
petty-bourgeoisie and peasants, protest movement, only want to 
The' rise of the clerical protest compromise, a reconciliation with 

tests, expressing the discontent of 
the petty-bourgeosie with the Fas- 
cist politics also shows the unripe- 
ness of these masses, the fact that 
this, their discontent, is not yet 
conscious, political opposition 
against the Nazi dictatorship. 

It is the task of the revolution- 
ary workers to win the petty-bour- 
geoisie, now protesting en the cle- 
rical field against the coordination, 
for the political fight against the 
Fascist dictatorship. To effect this 
the workers should make no con- 
cessions to religious prejudices. 
Naturally, to deliver the pious pet- 
ty-bourgeoisie, today protesting 
against the church politics of the 
Nazis from their religious preju- 
dices, persistent and patient work 
is necessary, connected with the 
practical experiences of these 
masses themselves. But Commu- 
nists have to see clearly that the 
breaking away of this petty-bour- 
geoisie from the church can only 

be the result of long fighting ex- 
periences. Today it is necessary to 
make these masses understand 
that, if they want to abolish the 
bad effect or the Nazi policy, upon 
their entire standard of living, 
their fight against the Nazis must 
not be religious but political. It 
has to he brought to the attention 
oi this petty-bourgeoisie that the 
protesting ministers refuse posi- 
tively to fight against the Social 
and political measures of Fascism. 
It has to be demonstrated that 
this is not accidental, but entirely 
expresses the nature of the clergy. 
The masses of religious protesters 
have to be shown that the priests 
are only waiting to make peace 
with the Nazi regime. With these 
arguments the Communists have to 
make clear to the pious adherents 
of the Church that religion does 
not save them from Fascism and 
it is no weapon against it. On the 
other hand the Communists have to 
lay stress upon the fact that the 
proletarian dictatorship does not 
at all signify that the faithful ad- 
herents would be forced to stop 
practicing their religion, as claim- 
ed by Nazi and priests. 

The example of the Soviet Union, 
realizing the separation of Church 
and State, shows that the proleta- 
rian dictatorship allows the free 
practice of religion, not fighting 
religion as a superstition hostile to 
Civilization by force but by educa- 
tion and schooling of the masses, 
by means of conviction. 

The fur workers still remember 

the magnificent struggle which 

ieability of its dogma which it t bey carried on a few years ago 

"* against Kaufman and his methods. 

Alon g The Road To-Kaul'mamsm ! 


by B. Kollenberg 

The Church conflict calls on the 
German working class to organize 
against the Fascist dictatorship. 
There is the danger that many 
workers, looking for a possibility 
of action against Fascist, engage 
in the religious mock fight and be- 
come involved in clerical reaction, 
having the impression that the 
priests are still doing something 
against Fascism. This danger can 
be counter-acted only by organiza- 
tion of independent action of the 
working class. 

can't abandon for the benefit of 
one country in consequence of its 
International role, also with all 
possible concessions on the part of 
the State. The Nazis tried to car- 
ry through their race theory within 
the Protestant Church. One of the 
reasons for the protest they were 
facing, is, that the core of the 
Evangelic clergy fears the Church 
might lose its propaganda power 
by abandoning its traditional doc- 
trine and change into some Nazi 
organization, disappearing in the 
maw of other similarly co-ordin- 
ated associations. 

The second cause of the Church 
conflict is the Nazi's endeavor to 
incorporate all organizations with- 
in their party apparatus. Through 
"•- - Concordat the Catholic Church 
hat pledged itself not to participate 
in politics, therefore liberty for 
bei purely clerical organizations, 
the "Catholic Action" were granted 
'Jt her. Aa in Italy, so even more 
• Germany, considerable friction 

'-'■ ' .'. ;.ri- . '.< . r ,i :. of a . the 
Nazi are trying to include the 
"Catholic Action'' into their prop- 
aganda asparatn , on the other 
Band, the merely clerical activities 
'it the Catholic Association is as- 
■■" ■■■■■/. instantly a political color 
: - .;,• •.. -.1 , . na'.ional- 

«ociali,,t theoriea a,, for in tance, 
has been shown by the dbuont ' ' 

ermann. In the h -.angelical 
''."• i theological dispute in- 
- - ■ . -.. , of cleiical oi- 

jpanfeetion, eonfi rional awoenv 
'- ''' . veHaa h tit :■ <■• . bei ■■■ i g 
departments at the Maai Party, or 
■ ; *■ eh member* reta ■ thi dire 
Hob ■■' their organizat ■■ • ••'- "■■- 
'" - / h It pendei t at the ■■-■'■■ ■ 

Bnt i ' " ■ i ; - dogmatfa nor til* 

"yapfaattonai interests at the 

■ ■■ ■ an .'■: ■ at to i tplain the 

■ ■ -,• and "■• met The 

priest*, always align themeeKe 

■-';'■'■ the Bute power at the ex- 

ymen : . obedient •ervante. If 

"-•' ''''.-' eppofe v^iay in purely 

smut*, then it i» on ac 

The main fight at that time was 
directed against the hearty coop- 
eration of the union with the 
bosses, against the throwing out 
from shops of active union mem- 
bers who disagreed with the ad- 
ministration, against the extortion 
of money thru high initiation fees, 
taxes, etc., and against the expul- 
sions of radicals from the union. 

As the situation stands today, 
the fur workers, as members of the 
Industrial Union, are in no better 
position. The methods used by the 
industrial Union leadership are 
exactly the same as were used 
bv Kaufman and his clique and the 
furriers are therefore entirely 

Now, after five years of exist- 
ence of the "Revolutionary' In- 
dustrial Union, the fur workers 
are in a much worse position than 
they ever were. Let us look for a 
moment at facts as they appear 

It is a well known fact, that the 
Industrial Union is using methods 
of terror against each and every 
worker who has the courage to state 
openly his disagreement with the 
\ T W.I.U. The "splitting com- 
mittee" in the fur market, the in- 
citing of one member against the 
other, make it impossible to ~ 
pres opinions 

of the workers of the shop, Wino- 
gradsky was ready to threaten 
with a strike if the chairman were 
not removed and replaced by a new 
one. And tho the workers were 
ready to strike against the deci- 
sion of this so-called union chief, 
and to sustain Kass as chairman, 
Kass, realizing the consequences 
that may lead to workers losing a 
few days work, voluntarily gave 
up his right. A new chairman was 
elected and the country was saved 

At the same Cooper Union meet- 
ing another worker, Intrator, de- 
clared, that as long as there will 
be two unions in the fur trade, 
the Industrial Union will be forced 
to make concessions to the bosses. 
The host way out, he said is to 
reapply for membership into the A. 
of L. thereby creating one Union. 
Intrator was not permitted to 
speak any more and taken out of 
the hall by Schneider and Resnik, 
under the pretense that the "mass- 
es" were about to lynch him. 

It sounds like the arguments of 
Hitler who on imprisoning his po- 
litical enemies, says he is trying 
to save them from the enraged 
masses. Another example is the 

thout being abused 
try name calling, such as "scabs", 
"provocateurs", etc. 

Wh"n the shop chairman of the 
i; Axel's shop, S. Kass, spoke In 
Cooper Vm'in at a membership 
meeting against the 36 and 6 
I ,,.,, overtime week, which in 
,,...,!,,,. ,!.,,,, 40 hours, and he 

called upon the worfcen to vote 
, ., . tile machinations of lipid 
with the bosEo:-. and fight for a 

-, born week without any 
itrings attached to It, the leader 

. ., , ,-, on the job (nun* ijuiek 
ei than t/< attend a workers com- 
plaint against a bo^j, 'ailed a 

bop meeting, and the Wg Yosil 
ruled Kmi out oi the chainnan- 
ship. In spit* of all the protests 


Two chapters from a larger 
work by the leading communist 


August Thalheimer 
Translated Into English for the 
firht time. 

Neatly mimeographed. 
Printed Cover. 


Order from 


B) West M St., New York. 

shop of Simon Levy on East 
Broadway where I worked lately. 
A committee of about 30 came to 
op my shop of 9 workers. At the 
shop meeting I asked Schneider, 
what the strike was for. He de- 
clared: "For a union agreement, 
and for unemployment insurance." 
When I further asked whether it 
is to the best interest of the union 
to stop the shop, which pays to the 
fund and whether the workers in 
need are the real beneficiaries of 
this fund, Schneider threatened to 
expose" me to the workers. 
When the strike was actually 
called off without the conclusion 
of an agreement, the Industrial 
Union spread a leaflet in the mar- 
ket that a strike was going on in 
Simon Levy's shop and the Lovc- 
stoneite Kolenberg refused to 
strike. Four days later the "Morn- 
ing Fueiiheit" carried the same 
news. What were the actual re- 
sults of the strike? Did the work- 
ers gain anything? No. The only 
gainer was the union treasury. 
With the help of the boss who was 
anxious to pay any amount to have 
his work done, the Union offi- 
cialdom extorted dues and taxes 
from the workers. 

The same union which always 
raised the cry against the right 
wing for depriving left wingers 
from making a living in the shop 
has now used the power of a 
strong committee to deprive Op-, a member of the Joint 
Council of the A. F. of L. Union, 
from going back to the shop. Just 
because Oppochinaky on principle 
was opposed to joining the N.T. 
W.l.U. Even the strong appeal of 
the workers of the shot) to permit 
Oppochinsky who has worked 20 
years in the fur trade and who 
worked thie year not more than jo 
weeks, did not change Schneider':; 

When Oppochinsky, finally 
forced by circumstances, decided 
to go up and pay money to the 
Industrial Union in order to secure 
bread for bis family, the so-called 
Revolutionaries demanded of him 
a statement declaring the Joint 

Council a scab and company union. 
Oppochinsky refused to make such 
a statement and was refused a 
union book tho this meant also the 
end of his job. The name "Revo- 
lutionary" union, however, did not 
prevent a business man, Mr. A. 
Edelstein, who's shop is located at 
150 West 28th St., but is tempo- 
rarily slow from taking Oppochin- 
sky's place in my shop. 

It is self evident, that in order 
to hold on to the last position the 
fur department of the Industrial 
Union is using various methods, 
even going so far as to stop Sara 
Gross from work in order to ex- 
tort a few more weeks dues and 
make the workers of the shop sign 
a statement falsifying the case. 
Let it be clearly understood that 
the fur workers will not stand for 

The fur workers will turn from 
the "Revolutionary" union and 
help build one union in the trade. 
A union where the furriers alone 
and not "spitting" or any other 
terror committees will decide their 


{Continued from Page 4) 
November 1, Enclosed is receipt. 

I wish to transmit my sincerest 
gratitude for your assistance at 
this critical moment. 

Your contribution is doubly wel- 
come at this time when donations 
to the committee have fallen far 
below expenses, due largely to the 
fact that people believe the mat- 
ter to be settled. 

It is clear tu me that my fu- 
ture is in the hands of friends like 
yourself, who feel the necessity of 
keeping this monstrous injustice 
constantly alive in the public mind 
and constantly visible to the pub- 
lic eye — a task which entails a 
steady expenditure. 

It is most encouraging to me 
also, my dear comrades, in this liv- 
ing tomb, to know that my friends 
are still with me in this up-hill 
struggle for ray freedom. 

I wish to thank you from the 
bottom of iny heart for your loyal 
support to this worthy cause. 

With warm personal regards and 
best wishes I am, 

Comradely yours, 


We publvih below the draft revolution on the economic 

titration in the United Stale* submitted U> the coming 

fourth -national conference of the Communist Party of 

the U. S. A. {Ojrpositirm) . — Editor. 




1. The crisis of unequalled dimension* gripping the 
entire capitalist world is showing numerous signs of con- 
tinuing for some time. The process of decay of the bour- 
geois social order, so glaringly evidenced in this crisis, is 
brought into bold relief by the following; The historical 
transformation of what was once its source of greatest 
strength into the source of its greatest wwkness. Pro- 
ductivity, but yesterday the source of the upbuiUlvng of 
capitalism, has become the primary source of the economic 
undermining of capitalism. 

2. With more raw material, greater machinery, bet- 
ter trained labor forces, and higher technique than ever 
oefore. capitalism has brought unheard of misery to many 
millions throughout the world. The historic words of 
Marx now assume world-shaking significance: 

"Given machinery gifted with the wonderful 
power of shortening and fructifying human labor, 
yet, we behold it starving and overworking human 
labor. The new-fangled sources of wealth, by some 
strange, weird spell are turned into sources of want. 
... At the same pace that mankind masters nature, 
man seems to become enslaved to other men, or to 
its own infamy. . . . All our inventions and progress 
ueem to result in endowing material forces with in- 
tellectual life and in stultifying human life into a 
material force." (Communist Manifesto). 

3. The very' development and growth of capitalism 
has meant the devolpment and growth of its inherent 
contradictions. Thus, the growing maee production, social 
in character, comes into ever sharper conflict with the 
growing private appropriation thru the increasing con- 
centration of capital. Thus there is a growing gap be- 
tween the productive capacities and the possibilities for 
conwumption afforded the exploited workers. Thus there 
is a sharpening conflict between the exploiters and the 
exploited. Thus the antagonvsrae among the imperialist 
powers in the world market are becoming eruer more in- 
terne. The very integration of capitalism into a world 
oystem, ever-more international in character, has only 
served to make It,;, inherent cont adic-iona evei more 
international m character, has raised them from national 
levels to world levels, has intensified and extended the or- 
ganic disequilibrium of capitalism to an unparalleled de- 

4. As a social system, capitalism is becoming more 
and more parasitic. Side by side with a growing rentier 
or coupon-clipping class is the growing army of no-oc- 
cupation — an army of workers displaced by machines, per- 
manently disernployed, not only expropriated of some of 
their products but denied even a mere place in the pro- 
ductive process, economically totally disinherited, socially 

Draft For National Conference 

pauperized, ami politically oppressed. In the biggest capi- 
talist countries the pauperized proletariat runs into many 

"Throughout capitalism the worker i» becoming a 
pauper, and pav.perixm is vncreasing even More rap- 
idly thin pojmlation an/I vxoolth. This plainly shows 
that the bourgeoisie is no longer fitted to be the 
ruling class in society or to impose its own social 
system as supreme lav/ for society at large. It is 
unfit to rule because it is incompetent to provide 
security for its slaves even within the confines of 
their slavish existence." (Marx) 
S. A terrific break has been made in the international 
capitalist order, a gaping hole has been torn in the 
capitalist economic pattern, by the victorious proletarian, 
socialist revolution in Russia, by the establishment of the 
U.S.S.K. The great growth of (socialist construction in 
the U.S.S.K., simultaneously with the accelerated decay 
of capitalism, particularly in the lands of greatest capi- 
talist development, only emphasizes, aggravates this ter- 
rific blow to capitalism. Furthermore, a mortal wound 
has been inflicted on the capitalist world market thru 
the rising tide of nationalist revolt against imperialist 
domination in the colonies and semi-colonial countries. 
The more the growth of socialist construction in the 
U.S.S.It., the sharper the antagonism between the capi- 
talist and socialist systems will become. The greater the 
revolutionary upsurge in the colonies and serni-colonial 
countries, the more serious the disruption of the capi- 
tal and commodity markets and the wider and more ef- 
fective becomes the front of opposition to imperialist ex- 
ploitation and oppression. 

G. Evidence of the growing disequilibrium and under- 
mining of stability in capitalism is shown internationally 
as well as inside the various capitalist countries by the 
following: a J The growing danger of imperialist war, 
today most acutely expressing iself in the attempts of 
Japanese imperialism to embroil the Soviet Union in a 
war; bj Then there must be noted the sharpening antag- 
onism between the United States and Japan in their fight 
for hegemony in the Far East; c) The antagonisms be- 
tween creditor and debtor countries has been evidenced 
in the collapse of reparation payments by the vanquished 
countries and in suspension of war debt payments or mere 
token payments by the victorious countries; il) The col- 
iapbe of ths. London Evonvtin-i Conference and tne inter- 
national currency war; e) The collapse of the Disarma- 
ment Conference and the struggle over amaments and re- 
armaments; f) The general fear of colonial revolt and the 
repressive measures taken, for example, by British im- 
perialism in India; %) The increasing tension of class re- 
lations (Germany, England, France and the U. S. A.) ; 
h) The collapse of the Versailles system and the intensi- 
fied antagonism between French and German imperial- 
ism; i) It is true that the Soviet Union has scored tre- 
mendous diplomatic victories in recent months, as indicat- 
ed in the signing of a v/hole series of non-aggression 

pacts and American recognition. Despite these moment 
ary agreements, which both the U.S.S.K. and the imperial 
ist countries have been compelled to make, the fact re- 
mains that the simultaneous growth of socialist eoztstx .' 
tion and capitalist destruction, in the long run, v 
serves to sharpen the Irreconcilable contradiction between 
world capitalism and the Soviet socialist system. 

7. The vary growing incapacity of capitalism f.o satisfy 
even the elementary dernands of the workers tends to 
make the class relations more antagonistic, the class war 
between workers and exploiters more bitter. This a re 
to undermine the democratic illusions In the eye-. <,\ the 
masses and to make parliamentary democracy an ever- 
Jess effective form of capitalist dictatorship. To help 
ward off the growing menace of a revolutionary wort 
ing class, to help stabilize their social economic order the 
capitalist class resorts to an uncamouflaged and open 
brutal dictatorship and terror— the regime of Fascism. 
The growth of the Fascist system, aiming to stabilize and 
perpetuate the class supremacy of the bourgeoisie, is an- 
other sign of the growing shakiness and instability of cer- 
tain national economic sectors of capitalism. In the course 
of the crisis, capitalist reaction in general and Fascism 
in p'irliov.lar has been making rapid headway in all walks 
of life, political, economic, social and cultural. Hitler- 
isrn in Germany, military dictatorship in other countries, 
the so-called .National Concentration Cabinet in England, 
the vast concentration of power in the hands of the 
Executive of the American government, coupled with a 
huge extension of state capitalism thru the NEA, mark 
the path of capitalist reaction, 

8. From the viewpoint of the dynamics of the cla^ 
struggle, the outstanding feature of the present position 
of world capitalism is the gap between the objective con- 
ditions favorable for proletarian revolution or mass revo- 
lutionary struggles and the unfavorable subjective fac- 
tor — the lack of a strongly organized proletarian revolu- 
tionary force to lead the international working class 
in a counter-attack against the world-wide capitalist of- 
fensive, or even to the proletarian revolution in certain 
countries {Germany). For this major defeat of the in- 
ternational working class we must place responsibility 
first of all on the ever-more treacherous role of the So- 
cial Democracy and, then, on the sectarian tactical line 
and consequent inability of the Communist International 
to unite and lead the ranks of the international prole- 

1. In a number of the big capitalist countries produc- 
tion and foreign trade figures indicate a certain limited 
advance in comparison with 1932; for instance England, 
Japan and the United States. This advance is con- 
fined to narrow limits. It is relatively most marked in 
Japan where it rests on a great devaluation of the cur- 
rency, on unheard-of starvation wages and on constantly 
mounting war orders and new capital investments in the 
recently conquered Manchuria. In England, the advance 
{Continued o-n Page 7) 

The Road to Real Unity 

by ML Y. 

The issue of a new party has 
been raised periodically ever since 
our group was organized. The ca- 
tastrophic defeat of the labor 
movement in Germany, particular- 
ly of the Communist wing, has 
raised this question to a higher 
level and has given it added im- 
portance. Before one can decide 
for or against a new Communist 
Party, it is necessary to analyse, 
in a sober and realistic manner, 
the relationship of forces in the 
German Labor movement and also 
the status of the various Commu- 
nis parties in the other capitalist 

After such an examination, it is 
my opinion that it would be wrong, 

at the present time, to change our 
group's perspective m the direc- 
tion of a new party. 

The Trotsky group and other 

grottpfcts which have lost faith in 
the pofsibfltty of winning the ex- 
isting Communist parties, which 
have become impatient En the 
KtruggU to change the tactical 
course and the methods Of work of 
the*e parties, f.nd it opportune to- 
day to come out for new Commu- 
nist parties and a Fourth Interna- 

To justify SMS] a position they 

conveniently declare that the C. 
r, (}. hah betrayed the working 
claw, that it ha* been destroyed 
and that What remains te be done 

1* to organize new Common! ' pai 

tie« in all countries, including the 

expelled Qonnamaat g/roup» and 

Socialist and Communist parties. 

Fortunately, the actual facts 
contradict their assertions. In the 
first place, it is not a secret that 
the v/hole labor movement in Ger- 
many has been dispersed. Of the 
working class organizations which 
managed to survive the C.P.G. is 
relatively the strongest* It is equal- 
ly true that the C. P. G. suffered 
heavily. First, because of its pre- 
viously strong position, it brought 
down upon it the full wrath of the 
Nazis. Second, because of its stup- 
id and distorted course, it was pre- 
pared neither ideologically nor or- 
ganizationally for underground ex- 
istence. To conclude that the C. 
KG. has been completely destroyed 
and something else must take its 
place, is ridiculous in the face 
of the actual facta. 

If v/hat is said above is true of 
Germany then how much more 
true is it for the U.S.A.? Certain- 
ly conditions in the U, S. A. have 
not changed so radically during 
the la^t year. If it was wrong one 
year ago to organize a new party 
then v/hat has happened to make it 

correct today? 

Another question one must ask. 
Has the C. P. G. betrayed? C 
the defeat of the labor movement 
be attributed enUrely to the wrong 
lint of the G, P, G.? J believe 0U< 
can not prOVS a betrayal, by y.iin- 
piy pointing to a defeat. The G. 
P. G. v/as defeated before but no 
one ha/] the temerity to term it a 
betrayal by the Communists, Can 
we underestimate the treacherous 
role Of toe r>x;iaM<m-,ocralic lead- 
ership? Can v/e forget its atran- 


Because of lack of space we 
aie unable to print all discus- 
sion articles submitted- The last 
two will be published in the 
next issue. — -Editor. 

glenoid on the trade unions and the 
decisive majority of the working 
masses? True enough, the trade 
union line of the G. P. G., in sep- 
arating its forces into the K.G.O. 
(T.U.U.L. in the U.S.A.) placed 
it objectively in a position of a si- 
lent partner of the S.D.P., because 
its opposition voice was not heard 
in the mass trade unions. The fact 
remains, nevertheless, that Social- 
democracy deliberately, conscious- 
ly, pursued a course against revo- 
lutionary action and thus disarmed 
the large proletarian masses under 
its influence. 

Assuming that the C. P. G, had 
pursued a correct and sane course, 
in the period preceding the Nazis 
advent to power, can we say posi- 
tively that Fascism would have 
been decisively defeated and kept 
from power? I admit frankly that 
I have my doubts. I do not believe 
that the hold which the reformists 
had over the masses could have 
been sufficiently undermined to 
make possible the revolutionary 
struggle for pov/er. And the strug- 
gle agaifist the Nazis, in my opin- 
ion, meant precisely that. We cer- 
tainly can say that any type of 
united action between the G. P. G. 
and tne S, D, P, G, might have 
Slowed up Fascism, in its rush, 
and supplied the necessary breath- 
ing time for the proletariat. 
{Continued on I'aye i) 

Which Road to Unity? 

by Joe Rosen 

In this pre-convention discus- 
sion it is most timely for the C. 
P. O. to reexamine its main course 
in the struggle to unite and rehab- 
ilitate the communist movement. 
This must be done in the light of 
our experiences as a group in the 
past four and a half years, both 
nationally and internationally, and 
the recent catastrophe in Germany, 
especially the stubborn defense by 
the C. I, of its v/rong policies even 
after the defeat. 

Since the existence of the group 
our activities in restoring the com- 
munist movement to a Leninist 
line rested on a dual perspective, 
aj We will win the party to a cor- 
rect line and establish unity, b) 
If this did not materialize, our cor- 
rect and the party's wrong poli- 
cies v/ould result in the disintegra- 
tion of the official party and in 
our becoming the Party. After 
four and a half years we must ad- 
mit neither of these perspectives 
have been fulfilled either in the U. 
S. A. or internationally. 

The German eventft must be 
carefully considered for the addi- 
tional light they throw on our ex- 
periences. That the German So- 
cial Democracy was guilty of be- 
trayal must be evident to every 
communist. However an examina- 
tion of the role of the C. P. G., in 
the rise of fascism, reveals the fol- 
lowing unpleasant facts: 

1. The C. P. G. divided the ranks 
of the organized Gorman trade 
union movement and destroyed the 
influence of the left wing by their 

non-Leninist dual union policv. 
2. The C. P. G. broke the unit> 
of the workers in the fight against 
fascism, by their idiotic theory of 
social fascism and by their substi- 
tuting for the tactic of the united 
front the new fangied, freak unit- 
ed front from below, 

•i. The C. P. G. confused th-J 
minds of the workers as to the na- 
ture of both communism and fas- 
cism thru the theory of national 
bolshevism and thru participating 
with the fascists' in the infamous 

4. The C. I. which is in no small 
way responsible for fascisms' com- 
ing to power refused to admit its 
mistakes even after the defeat and 
even indulges in fantastic illusions 
about the imminence of a proletar- 
an revolution in Germany pre- 
cisely because of the ascendency of 
the Nazis. 

In my opinion an objective eval- 
uation of the experiences of our 
group, nationally and internation- 
ally, points to the necessity of ori- 
enting towards the development of 
a new communist party in this and 
in other capitalist countries. The 
majority of the national bureau in 
its contentions against the need 
for a new perspective claims that: 
J. Now we can win the Party 
members from below since the 
German events make them more 
accessible to our viewpoint. An 
examination of the facts will show 
that this is not a valid argument 
The number of recruits from th fc 
party to our group because of the 
German events in insignificant. 
{Continued on Page t) 












































i* ' 




Fron P:iof 6) f tne century) c) Continued unsatisfactory condition 

-tend taring U* >« r B rooted in the raising of the of agricultural" economy; d) Virtual bankruptcy of many 

-'.-;",-'-,.-.::.>. certain new regulations towards agn- r^aron,^ banks. aI . d insurance companies, but yesterday 

... and skilfull manipulation of sterling. the p .„ ars o{ prosperity. This breakdown has been hid- 

•'-■.;, V--i Suites the summer boom, which has come dcn or shchtlv a Ueviated by special legislative privileges 

's: mes: d the ground re- or bv heavv subs . :d;e5 tnr u the R.F.C. and thru some 

rested oa sundry inflation measures, huge sub- N.R.A, cedes: el Further expropriation and impovcrish- 

industries and bants, vast outlays for public ment of sections of the middle class and the labor aristoc- 

* ' .. ^ heavy dollar devaluation thru leaving the racv tnru th e inflationarv measures and the pro-big 

orfnrd— «B «>** ;hc n *S of the NKA - the most trust regulations of the N.R.A.: f) Continued destruc- 

pj at capitalist planning to-date. t ion f capital and the capital reserves of the country thru 

' .'■ - ness is marked by the fol- bankruptcies, dismantling of plants, plowing under of cot- 

, "..'. features: a] Uneven development and restricted , 0;ii devaluation of the currency, shaking of government 

- ... countries; b) Nowhere has this upturn credit, etc.; g) Failure to secure on a substantial scale 

S to s liquidation or even a decided reduction of mass the m uch-hoped for and artificially stimulated price rise 

"L-olovment. The advance of rationalization during die thru m onetarv manipulations. There are signs of the 

. f ur ther aggravated the tendency towards a price-decline "being resumed and the disparity between 

- increase in productive capacities than in the agricultural and industrial prices becoming more acute; 

: -- ■ ... i s employed in production. This trend },) xhe gains registered thru the huge artificial stimulus 

not only of capitalism in depression ana f tbe x.r.a. during the summer have already been lost 

' / '-"is also an inherent feature of capitalism even aDO ut 60 c i. And the retrogression in production has 

jjods of limited and momentary revival. No- bee n most marked precisely in those industries where the 

. ;';.; .::.:-". signified for the working class a codes and processing taxes had been imposed. (Federal 

to the 'Prosperity" prevailing before the crisis; Reserve Bulletin) ; i) All attempts of the N.R.A. at pian- 

feverish military and naval preparations are n ; ng a nd stabilization have caused only more fluctuation 

' iX*r* » fundamental factor in the upturn through j n production and exchange and have aggravated the 

speculative character of the whole productive system in 

terrific stimulation of the production of the means of 

' :;;". .. v - at the expense of the governments; d) Es- 

■ Ok United States is this advance bound up 

revival of the labor movement and a radicaliz- 

f the struggles of the working class. Through the 

_:.. ;..--;■ .-- f Fascism in some countries such a radical- 

- ::" the w-orking class, as an accompaniment of an 

the U. - 

2. The N.R.A. has entered a second stage of its devel- 
opment. The first flush of business revival, brought on 
by the impetus it lent thru sundry artificial stimuli, is 
over. The general economic index declined from July thru 
November and turned to stagnation in December. The 

has beer, momentarily avoided. The Fascist die- doubts of "Big Business", as to how far the huge govern 
~...tX-' - s for the present, succeeded in imposing upon ment expenditures may prove a real stimulus for busi 
fc waters overwhelming burdens as a means of insur- 

-- ; — :;i::s-. revival. (Germany) 

And just as the remedies applied by the capitalists 
to cure the first post-war crisis of capitalism, once they 
took their full course, only served to lay the basis of the 

ness revival, are best indicated in the hesitation and 
instability gripping the stock market. The sharp contro- 
versy over the monetary program of the N.R.A. indicates 
the growing lack of confidence in inflation serving the 
purpose of "priming the pump." On the dollar basis gold 
has risen in price about 55 % since March, largely thru 

ores - and worse crisis, so the remedies now being pro- 
posed will when once applied in full, only develop and the gold-purchasing policies of the R.F.C. However, com- 
- . : basic contradict mis of capitalism and thus modifies, and only in some cases wages, in the Liiitea 

sha— er. .... 

bring on a still worse crisis. The forces which made for 
s - ailed prosperity of yesterday have made for the 
Trend-shaking crisis of today. Thus the Dawes and 
V uu. plans of Reparation Settlements, the sundry deot 
agreements, the schemes of stabilizing various curren- 
ts, the further extension of mass production, the huge 

States have risen about 15 Tc during this time. Much 
difficulty will be experienced by the N.R.A., in the com- 
ing months, because of its failure to raise prices by means 
of tinkering with the currency and thus being unable 
to revive production appreciably. 

The agricultural allotment plan, with its provision for 

export of American capital which, but yesterday, served a 155J curtailment of the wheat acreage, will not cu 
to check, momentarily, the tempo of capitalist decline and QOWn seriously the coming year's w-heat crop, becau." 

lata] have, in tee last resort, laid the basis for the acute 
crisis today. So the various remedies now being proposed 
—inflation, "planned economy", N.R.A., lowered standards 
of living, worsened w-ages and w-orking conditions, higher 
tariff s, currency devaluation, back to barter, deliberate de- 
struction of technique and reversion to backward methods 
::' urednctior. ar.d exchange, Fascism, autarchy — will only 
serve to bring on a crisis of capitalism far more acute 
tad gripping than even the present crisis. 

4- There are still a number of potent factors which 

1 ■: --■ stand in the way of an immediate substantial 

world economic revival but also can further disrupt econ- 

as international scale. These factors are: a) The 

continued existence of tremendous surpluses of commo- 

b) The failure to unsnarl the tangle of intcrna- 

- government and private debts; c) The aggravated 

ty in the field of international currency, especial- 

- the United States going off the gold standard 

steps towards intensifying the world currency 

J) The problem of government deficits continues 

acute; e) Failure of the sundry artificial measures to 

bring about any serious halt in the price decline; f) Fail- 

! leviate the international agrarian crisis; g) In- 

I -nor. of imperialist conflicts (Japanese- American; 

iipanese, Anglo-American, Franco-German, etc.) 

- lerline that capitalism, despite all of the 

-- ai : will get out of even this crisis, if no pro- 

- ■lotion ensues. But the overcoming of even 

■iocs not m a-n the end of the decay 

tatam. Capitalism in decline and decay as in its 

of upward development, does not move in a 

farmers who had not been raising wheat in recent 
years (and are thus not eligible for the agreement) have 
been going back into wheat production lured by the 
prospects of higher prices. Besides, bootleg production in 
the mid-west, thru leasing the government the poorest 
land and increasing the yield per acre of the better soil, 
has also served to undermine the allotment plan. Em- 
ployment in manufacturing industries has dropped 3.5rc 
between October 15th and November 15th to register the 
first decline since last March. The recently reported 
gains in American export trade for the first 9 months 
of 1933 are not substantial. They are still 6.9<"c below 
the value of the corresponding period of 1932 and 5SI2O 
below the preceding year average corresponding period. 
Then, the recent gains in export trade arise primarily out 
of the momentary advantages in the world market accru- 
ing from dollar devaluation and do not include a suffi- 
cient number of commodities. Even these small gains are 
rooted in the sands of war preparations, as indicated by 
the increased exports of iron, steel and other metals and 
especially by the fact that unmanufactured cotton, has 
constituted nearly 25Fr of the total value of American ex- 
ports in the first nine months of 1933. The gains in 
wages won by some workers during the first stage of the 
X.R.A. have relatively been more than counteracted by 
the rise in prices and, in recent months have been abso- 
lutely reduced thru intensified wage-cutting, in spite of 
codes here or because of codes there. 

3. The N.R.A. has failed to bring about a so-called 
normal overcoming of the crisis of capitalism in the 
United States. However, the unpopularity of the N.R.A. 

1. course ' The possibility of capitalism has already begun to grow, it would be an error to con- 

of the crisis really means only the reestablish- elude that it has alreaay completely collapsed as a re- 

nne degree of equilibrium in production and covery scheme. The outlook is for new, numerous efforts 

*** stability f Dro fits for capital For the workers, to be made by the Roosevelt admmistratton towards arti- 

: able to get out of the present crisis will ficial stimulation of business thru devaluation of the 

unemployment and lowered stand- dollar, thru more extensive coinage of silver, thru infla- 

S The working class, unless it fights back 
. pay dearly for the temporary revive, 
aiso comes in a fundamentally un- 
archic, and leads to further crises 
ran law of capitalist eonomics that 
'.rr.ics leads objectively to greater 


•ht present economic situa- 


in about 12 million still being 

-4 and several - ally unemploy- 

■andards in the 

.- prevailing at about the bag 

tion on a so-called controlled scale, thru still heavier 
expenditures for public works, the dominant form of 
which will be appropriation for military and naval es- 

In practice the economics of the New Deal arc, at best, 
a morphine for the inherent and evermore acute contra- 
dictions of capitalism — particularly the basic contradic- 
tion, the gap between the rising productive capacities and 
the relatively and often absolutely declining consumption 
lities. l-ike all narcotics, inflation may momenta!-- 
■ 1 thi llu ioi "i alleviating the economic pain, but 
nation "ahol m the arm", like all others of it3 
kind, only * riouaiy undermines th« vitality of the whole 
capitalist system, physically and spiritually. The Wash- 
■ m is speculating on securing of re- 
lief measure;, and shortlived Improvement periods m thi 
hope that something new and unforeseen \wll break either 

in the United States or somewhere else and will thus lend 
a real and fairly lasting revival to production, to ex- 
change, to the whole economic life of American capitalism. 
The elements of economic revival evident in the U. S. A. 
have also been evident in other countries and in some 
countries even months earlier than in the U. S. A. This 
is an indication of the fact that the N.R.A., as a vehicle 
of economic revival, even in the role of an artificial stim- 
ulus, has been generally overestimated. The elements of 
limited revival noted in recent months, tho appearing in 
most countries less spectacular than in the United States, 
were there steadier and more prolonged than in the U. S. 
and brought less recoil after the initial impetus had spent 
its force. The process of so-called revival will be slow 
and painful. The employing class will strive to make the 
workers bear the costs and pain. 


1. The main features of the world position of Amer- 
ican imperialism are : a) Though still occupying the domi- 
nant position, it has suffered a loss of financial prestige 
thru its going off the gold standard and the depreciation 
of its currency; b) Because of its dominant economic 
position and its drive for complete w-orld hegemony, U. S. 
imperialism is now more deeply involved in and more in- 
tensely subject to all antagonisms, complications and dif- 
ficulties of international capitalism; c) Its role today, in 
the present world crisis, in sharp contrast to its role in 
the first crisis of post-war capitalism, is to sharpen rather 
than to mitigate the elements of world crisis; d) Thus, 
the very world primacy of U. S. imperialism serves to 
intensify the inherent contradictions of American capi- 
talism and serves as "a force for sharpening and stimu- 
lating the elements of disintegration of international 
capitalism", thus making for a prolongation of the world 
crisis and complicating and delaying revival; e) More 
and more, the basic and general position of American capi- 
talism will now be determined by the accumulating con- 
sequences of the maturing contradictions inherent in the 
bourgeois system of production and exchange and intensi- 
fied by the rationalization process; f) Simultaneously 
with the very increase which had been going on in pro- 
duction there was developing a relative decrease in the 
amount of labor power used in industry — a change in 
the organic composition of capital. This change in the 
organic composition of capital, following in the wake 
of rationalization, has developed a permanently disem- 
ployed army, an army of no-occupation not merely tempo- 
rarily thrown out of jobs but an army of unemployed 
workers permanently thrown out of the very process 
of production itself. 

2. From the point of view of its own resources and 
reserves (trained w-orking forces, great s.ipn 1 " of basic 
capital and highly developed industries, huge domestic 
market, key world position, etc.) United States capi- 
talism is still far stronger than any other capitalism and 
still has the possibilities of upward development. Yet, 
a) because of its being so deeply involved in the present 
crisis and b) because of its different role in the pres- 
ent world crisis in comparison with its role in the 1921 in- 
ternational crisis; and c) because the present crisis has 
assumed such acute proportions and is lasting so long, the 
outlook for any further economic advance of United 
State capitalism is becoming poorer. This is one of the 
basic consequences of the present world crisis t for in- 
ternational capitalism in general and American capitalism 
in particular. Nor would any momentary spurt in pro- 
duction figures in the United States negate this basic 
fact. In almost direct proportions to its heights, such a 
spurt would soon serve as a precipitating and aggravat- 
ing factor for the next crisis which would be worse. The 
question whether American imperialism has already 
reached its highest point of development is not determined 
by the height or volume of the production figures them- 
selves. Nor is it determined by the rate of growth of 
production as distinguished from the quantity of produc- 
tion. In the United States the rate of growth of produc- 
tion, as distinguished from tile quantity, reached its maxi- 
mum in the 1910-1915 period. However, no one would 
say that the upward development of American imperialism 
came to an end in 1915. 

The answer to the question whether American capital- 
ism still has a possibility of any upward development is 
determined rather by the following: Can we say that 
the capacity of U. S. capitalism to exploit increasing- 
ly its resources and reserves for the extension of its home 
and world markets is already stunted, paralyzed and has 
begun to vanish? If yes, then, this crisis marks the be- 
ginning of the decline of American imperialism and places 
it fundamentally in the same category with that of Bri- 
tish, Italian, German, etc. imperialism. If no, then there 
is still left a possibility for American capitalism to devel- 
op upward. Whether this question will be answered by 
yes or no depends on international factors. A resump- 
tion of tile upward trend of development of American 
capitalism is still a possibility depending upon the extent 
of the disruptive influence of international capitalism 
(in crisis or revival) upon its American section, depend- 
ing upon a number of world factors, upon the entire in- 
ternational situation rather than on strictly American 
factors. A much-weakened American capitalism, owing to 
its much-diminished equilibrium growing out of the pres- 
ent crisis, is now facing the world, influencing it and 
being influenced by it. 


Workers Age 

Published Twiet Monthly ii/ the 

Workers Age Pub. Assn., 51 West 14 Street, New York, N. Y. 

Phone: GRamcrcy 5-890.3 

Organ of the National Council of the 

COMMUNIST PARTY op the U. S. A. (OrrosmON) 

Subscription rates: Foreign $1.50 a year. $1.00 six months 6 c.-nts 

a copy. Domestic $1.25 a year. $0.75 six months. 

Vol. 3. No. 1. 

January 1, 1934. 


THE logic of all economic political, and military steps recently taken 
by the Japanese imperial government in Manchuria and Inner 
Mongolia lead straight to a war against the Soviet Union at a 
much-earlier date than set by even the most pessimistic observers. 
Only presently unforeseen circumstances can reverse this trend to 
avoid a war by Japanese imperialism against the U.S.S.R. next Spring. 
Militarization of the country has been the answer to the growing 
discontent. Monopolization of all Manchurian trade has become the 
established policy of the Tokio Government. Systematic petty and 
serious insult and provocation against the Soviet Union are now the 
cornerstone of Japanese Army diplomacy towards the U.S.S.R. For 
the moment there appears no end to this, as Japanese imperialism is 
still on the crest of a wave of national energy and chauvinist enterprise. 
But the danger signals of all this are multiplying. The trough is in 
sight. Already Japanese public enthusiasm has begun to evaporate for 
even the South Manchurian Railway with its countless new privileges. 
With the Yen declining daily, three or four percent interest on bonds 
means little. Besides, the inflation lemon has been squeezed dry and 
Japanese bankers and businessmen are now turning to deflation as a 
cure for Nipponese economic ailments. 

The rising tides of discontent among the people is also goading the 
Japanese ruling class to plunge the country into a war against Socialist 
Russia and thus drown out the spreading ideas dangerous to to the 
"Fatherland." Mechanizing and chemicalizing the army, inventing new 
machine guns and other weapons have devoured government funds so 
that nothing is left for paying even primary school teachers. For the 
latter, the empty stomachs have been developing heads ever-fuller with 
"dangerous ideas." And to the capitalists the world-over, dangerous 
ideas today mean Communist ideas. Only recently eighteen workers 
have been condemned to death, 24 to life imprisonment and 222 to jail 
sentences ranging from one to fifteen years- 
Right on the heels of the violation of Soviet territory, a Japanet,^ 
imperial organ in Harbin (Harbin Times) had the impudence to demand 
that the U.S.S.R. should 'withdraw to the Urals," and to emphasize 
that "Japan must take decisive measures with sword in hand and strike 
a decisive blow at the aggressive actions of the U.S.S.R." To cap the 
anti-Soviet plans, the economic relations between Germany and Man- 
churia have just been extended and a significant political understanding 
between the pure "Aryan" Hitler government and the Tokio imperialist 
bngands has been consummated. So far the U.S.S.R. has succeeded in 
warding off the danger. But as the danger intensifies, it becomes all 
the more the duty of the workers of other countries to step in and 
pledge support by word and deed to the Soviet Union against Japanese 
imperialist aggression. The most costly of follies would be to pin any 
faith in American recognition in itself as a guarantee for peace in the 
Far East. The recent heavy shipments of unmanufactured cotton, cop- 
per, iron and other war material from the U. S. to Japan should 
dispose of all such dangerous illusions. 

The danger of a Japanese attack against the U.S.S.R. in the coming 
months cannot be exaggerated. We must begin to do at least our part 
in fighting this menace of war.< The American League against War 
and Fascism should put this problem of the War in the Far East as 
first on its order of business. 

For a Real Progressive 
Movement in Local 1 

Statement Of The Communist Opposition 

In connection with the recent dc- , the self-styled "Left Group" just 
velopments in Cloakmakcrs Local.' as the strengthening of the right- 
No. 1 I.L.G.W.U., in which tho wing forces is a real danger 


THE pressure of international working class and liberal opinion has 
forced the Nazi savages to postpone, if not forsake, the murdering 
of comrades Dimitroff and Torgler. But let no one come to the 
conclusion, therefore, that the fascist terror in Germany is coming to 
an end. Quite the contrary is the case. 

From our comrades in Germany we have just received the fol- 
lowing most disquieting news: 

"We have the worst news regarding our work here. The 
terror continues constantly to intensify on a mass scale against us. 
In a quite short time we have lost our political leaders in the 
Districts 01 Thunngia, Frankfurt a M„ and now also in Hamburg. 
In Gera and Greiz a large number of our people were taken. 
The heaviest blow against us came in Hamburg. There our entire 
district leadership has been arrested and terribly tortured. The 
technical apparatus 01 this district for the production of our pho- 
tographic underground material has been momentarily broken up. 
We are much worried lest the connections between the dis- 
tricts and the central headquarters have not been tapped and 
endangered. Our Berlin comrades are in a more desperate plight 
than ever, especially under these circumstances because of their 
unheard of financial hardships. We must instantly send a most 
.rantic S.O.S. call to all of you so that you can render quick and 
adequate help. This is the only way we can rebuild our con- 
nections, prevent disruption of contacts and continue our work 
against Hitler. We have been most active in recent months, 
more active than all others. The Hamburg district alone issued 
three leaflets, two Jumusbriefc in the 14 days during the election 
campaign. Add to all of this the fact that the system of persecu- 
tion by the Gestapo (Prussian Secret Police) has become much 
more deadly in its efficiency. The Gestapo now prepares plan- 
fuUy and thoroughly against us. Thus in the Leipzig district, 
because the Gestapo annihilated physically our entire leading 
corn-mitsee, we had to reorganize our work and send in a political 
leader Jrom the outside. From your friend on the "M.G." with 
whom we spoke yesterday, we have learned that he has just re- 
ceived information that in the last raids in Berlin our people were 
the heaviest sufferers." 
We cannot find wordj strong enough with which to urge the most 
generoui andprempt response to ihis heart-rending appeal i->r working- 
claw .ohdanty coming oui of the Hitler hell. Bad as times are here 
every worker should immediately pitch in his dimes or dollars for our 
comrades m Germany renting not only for thjir very lives but for 
everythine that u worthwhile to all of us everywhere as enemies of 
capital.*: reaction and »» proletarian revolutionists. The Communist 
Party of Germany (Opposition), in the face of infernal terror has been 
able to go ahead at an accelerated pace in recent months. Let's not 
slow them down: The Communist Party U. S. (Opposition) has been 
pruning and panne on everything in order to display real practical 
solidarity with the heroic German Comrades. But we must all do very 
much more. The lone* we have suffered at the hands of the Hitler 
rezime most not dismay or discourage us. All of ui must answer the 
S.O.S. call from the Hitler infemo — and answer it now and more 
enthusiastically and substantially than ever before. 

Cloukmnkers Progressive 
and the majority of the right wing 
Mutual Aid Club merged with the 
Trade Union Center (Levy Group) 
into a joint group, the National 
Committee of the Communist Op- 
position declares: 

1. From the point of view of 
furthering the progressive move- 
ment in Local 1 and spreading pro- 
gressive ideas among the member- 

I ship, this merger was a grave er- 
, ror. No proper basis in pro- 
gram and principle was pres- 
I ent for such a merger. As 
I the joint statement of the 
merging groups (published in 
The Day) indicates, "fundamental 
differences" exist between the pro- 
grams and outlooks of the two ten- 
dencies, which in itself indicates 
that a fusion of the two groups is 
without basis and can only lead to 
demoralizing confusion. The points 
on which both groups agree can 
certainly be made the basis of a 
united front or a block but they 
are completely insufficient for a 
real merger. In view of the actual 
relation of forces in Local 1 the 
fusion that has taken place is real- 
ly the liquidation of the Progres- 
sive Group into the Trade Union 
Center; the new group is essential- 
ly the old Levy Group with the ac- 
cession of new forces from the old 
Progressive League and the right 
wing cliih elements. 

2. The merger of the Progressive 
League into the Trade Union Cen- 
ter is bound to result in greater 
confusion in the ranks of the pro- 
gressives and in compromising 
them in the eyes of the workers 
growing dissatisfied with the Lew 
regime. The entrance of scores 
of members of the former Club 
into the now "merged" group will 
unquestionably strengthen the 
right wing tendencies in the Trade 
Union Center and shift the center 
of gravity in that direction. In 
this way too the relation of forces 
has been changed unfavorably for 
the progressive movement. 

3. The liquidation of the Cloak- 
makers Progressive League as an 
independent tendency is especially 
unfortunate at this time in view of 
the organized right wing attack on 
the progressive forces. The weak- 
ening of the progressive movement 
in Local 1 constitutes a serious set- 
back for this movement in the rest 
of the needle trades unions. 

4. The liquidation of the Cloak- 
makers Progressive League as an 
independent tendency will unques- 
tionably tend to strengthen the 
dual-unionist, self-styled "left 
group" in Loral 1 and elsewhere 
It will play into the hands of the 
dual unionists who pervert into de- 
structive channels the legitimate 
dissatisfaction of the workers with 
the reactionary policies of the hu- 
rocracy. Such false tactics objec- 
tively help the dual unionists and 
make it easier for them to serve as 
a serious obstacle to the efforts 
being made by the genuine left 
forces for the transformation of 
the union into a militant working 
class organization. In the eyes of 
the cloakmakers rebelling against 
the policies and practices of the 
Levy administration, the self- 
styled "Left Group" will thus ap- 
pear as the only channel thru 
which to express their dissatisfac- 
tion, since all other groups (es- 
pecially the Progressive League) 
are completely identified with th 

constructive militant unionism. 

5. For all these reasons, the Na- 
tional Committee of the Commu- 
nist Opposition declares tile mer- 
ger a serious mistake. It declares 
the policy that led to this situa- 
tion contrary to the official trad'' 
union course of our group. It pub- 
licly criticizes the members of tti- 
Communist Opposition responsi- 
ble for deviating from our trade 
union policy and leading the move- 
ment for the merger. It calls upon 
all genuine progressive forces in 
Local 1 today to resume the strug- 
gle for progressive policies within 
the present merged group and in 
the union. We further call for the 
crystallization of a genuine pro- 
gressive group. The grave error 
made in the merger can now be rec- 
tified insofar as it is possible, only 
by the most vigorous and princi- 
pled open struggle for a progres- barrel. 

sive program against both the, The minority statement nas 
right wing forces as well as raiscd an irnportant quest ; on jgj 
we still an opposition group "- 

Because of lack of space «,, 
are forced to omit the book re 
view from this issue. It w ju r ' 
appear in the next issue— Ed. ' 


(Continued from Page 6) 

To serious minded Communist- 
tho question of a new party must 
not be a toy to play with, it i. 
interesting to note that the loud 
and "fearless" Trotskyites are not 
heard, seen or felt in any of the re 
cent struggles of the American 
workers (numerous strikes and the 
movement among the unemployed) 
The C. P. 0., which according to 
the Trotskyites and others is capi- 
tulating to the party every other 
day and, of course, has no basis 
whatever for political existence is 
involved deeply in almost all \ m . 
portant struggles. The self-lauda- 
tory noise of the Trotskyites is 
very much the noise of an empty 

against the Center tendency align- 
ing itself with the right wing. At 
the same time the struggle must 
be continued against the destruc- 
tive dual unionist policies of the 
self-styled "Left Group." 




(Continued from Page 6) 
What is more conclusive, there is 
no organized onposition within the 
ranks of the official party, criticiz- 
ing the estimation of the German 
events by the C. I. from our point 
of view. 

The majority further states 
♦hat it is inadvisable for commu- 
nists to be for a new party at the 
same time as Trotsky is consoli 
dating centrism thru new parties 
and the Fourth International. 
Trotsky's trend of thought (an ex- 
tension and elaboration of the the- 
ory of Thermidor) is contrary and 
foreign to the opinions of those of 
... our comrades who are for a new 
administration. The advance of .party as a means of bringing about 

Strassburg, Alsace. 

The regional convention of the 
Communist Party (Opposition) of 
Alsace has been called. At this 
convention the following questions 
will be considered: (1) National 
problem and the attitude towards 
the so-called "People's Front." (2) 
The struggle against the capital- 
ist offensive. (3) The struggle 
against the war danger and Fas- 
cism on the basis of the proletar- 
an united front. 

Special consideration will be giv- 
en to the struggle against the ul- 
tra-left line of the official party 
and to ways and means of carrying 
out the decisions of the enlarged 
Buro of the International Commu- 
nist Opposition. 

A very well attended membership 
neeting in Strassburg decided, for 
the present, not to expel Mourier, 
member of the Chamber of Depu- 
ties, for his non-Communist be- 
havior in his failure to vote 
against the Serraut government 
and its policies. Mourier's line 
was sharply condemned. No one , 

endorsed it. He was given a severe ^ 

warning by the membership to the communist unity and our abandon- 
etfect that any further violation in ths field will result in throw- 
ot the L.-P.O. line will entail his ing some leftward moving workers 
automatic expulsion from the into the arms of Trotskyism, 
ranks of the Communist Opposi- 3. Comrade wi] , Herber& re . 

' presenting the majority, writes: 

Wmr'IJ TO rpTTTri -on * n " An international without a Sov- 

ȴraiu.n. lis JUttJCi KUAjU let section would either be no m- 

ternational at all or else it would 

have we become a "little party"' 
The minority insists that we ate 
a "little party". It is an import- 
ant discovery, if true. Certainly 
we threw ourselves into independ- 
ent mass activit-' but that does not 
in the least signify that we are a 
party. Have we not always main- 
tained that the party does not 
operate in a vacuum but among the 
masses of workers. It influences 
them and is in turn influenced by 
them. To the extent that we are 
active among the masses and put 
forward our tactics as against 
those of the party and to the ex- 
tent that our tactics win influ- 
ence and recognition, just to that 
extent are we defeating the party 
course and are mobilizing pres- 
sure for a .change of lire by the 
C. P. Nothing new in that. If we 
were permitted to remain in the 
party we would fight for our opin- 
ions and we are sure to carry our 
line. Being out we utilize other 
instruments for achieving the same 
aim. But the aim remains the 
same ! 

I am convinced that changing 

our perspective at this time will 

bring the Communist move- 


ment nearer to unity but on the 
contrary it would drive us further 
apart and would raise the division 
and dissension to a higher level 
nationally and internationally. 

Two New Pamphlets 


Published by John Day Co. 


An indinpensible 
for every Marxist. 

Price 25c (Postage Free) 

(Quantities of 10 or more 20c) 


Published by Communist Pirty 

Second Enlarged Edition 

Price 15c (Postage Free) 

(Quantities of 10 or more lie) 

SI Went 14 Street, New York. N. Y. 

be an anti-communist body living 
only by virtue of an inevitable an- 
ti-Soviet orientation." Such a con- 
tention is an abandonment of our 
g-ap theory. The new international 
would exclude a Russian section 
because any such party must lw 
counter-revolutionary. If Comrade 
Herberg's statement were correct 
than the I. C. O., since it has no 
Russian section and exists outside 
of the C. I., would be guilty of 
being counter-revolutionary and 
anti-Soviet. This however, is shown 
ridiculous by its mere statement. 
The new communist international, 
without a Russian section, would 
be a means to unify the world 
communist movement in an ex- 
tremely critical situation. 

The orientation by our group to- 
wards the development of a new 
communist party is necessary for 
the following main reasons. 

1. Four and a half eventfu 
years proves in reality the duo' 
perspective outlook of our group 
a failure. 

2 .The German events point [0 
the necessity of building up a ne* 
C. P. G. which will by its correc- 
policies prevent similar catastro- 
phies in other capitalist countries* 

3. It is not against communist 
principles to have more than one 
C. P. for a certain length of time 
in an exceptional situation as a 
means toward unity.